Correlates of Object Raising in Mayan

Abstract

Mayan languages show variation in the morphosyntactic distribution of absolutive objects. A now commonly-adopted analysis ties this variation to differences in object movement and agreement. In so-called ‘high-absolutive’ languages, objects consistently raise to a position above the ergative subject, where they are targeted for $\varphi$-Agree by a probe on finite ${\text{Infl}}^0$. In ‘low-absolutive’ languages, on the other hand, objects remain low and enter into $\varphi$-Agree with a low functional head, v$/{\text{Voice}}^0$. This paper surveys the constellation of empirical evidence for this basic division, specifically related to Ā-extraction constraints, the position of absolutive morphemes within the verbal complex, the availability of absolutive marking in nonfinite clauses, and the binding properties of absolutive objects. It then compares an object raising account with alternatives.