Miroslav Kutal, Martin Duľa, Michal Haring, José Vicente López-Bao
{"title":"Deeply Political and Populist Decisions on Large Carnivores in Europe in Recent Times","authors":"Miroslav Kutal, Martin Duľa, Michal Haring, José Vicente López-Bao","doi":"10.1111/conl.13125","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"<p>In recent years, debates around downgrading the protection of large carnivores, such as wolves (<i>Canis lupus</i>) or bears (<i>Ursus arctos</i>), have become deeply political, especially in areas where these species are recovering in mainland Europe and North America (Ausband and Mech <span>2023</span>; Di Bernardi et al. <span>2025</span>). Various viewpoints on lethal control, either by target or non-target removals or through culling by authorities or public hunting schemes, have particularly exacerbated the polarization around large carnivore conservation and are often riddled with biased arguments (e.g., Chapron and López-Bao <span>2014</span>; Kutal and Dula <span>2020</span>; Vucetich and Nelson <span>2014</span>). Livestock depredation is one of the main opposing factors against sharing the landscape with large carnivores. Despite inconclusive results of the effectiveness of current practices of lethal control to prevent livestock depredations (e.g., Eeden et al. <span>2018</span>; Grente et al. <span>2024</span>; Kutal et al. <span>2024</span>), killing large carnivores is still often perceived as an effective strategy to reduce the impact of these species on livestock (Linnell et al. <span>2017</span>). Lethal control is increasingly proposed as a solution by populist, center-right politicians, as seen recently across Europe (Carter and Guillot <span>2024</span>).</p><p>The last decision by the Standing Committee of the Bern Convention (European Commission <span>2024</span>) to downlist wolves from a “strictly protected” (Appendix II of the Bern Convention) to a “protected” (Appendix III of the Bern Convention) species, proposed by the European Commission, was entirely political and not based on scientific evidence. Even the Large Carnivore Initiative of Europe, a specialist group of IUCN's Species Survival Commission, considered the decision as “pre-mature and faulty” (LCIE <span>2024</span>). However, the European Commission argued in its press release that the proposal is based on “in-depth analysis on the status of the wolf in the EU” (European Commission <span>2024</span>) and stressed that “the concentration of wolf packs in some European regions has become a real danger for livestock and potentially also for humans.” The Commission urged local and national authorities to “take action where necessary” (European Commission <span>2023</span>), quoting the President of the European Commission from the center-right European Peoples Party.</p><p>The reasoning used by the European Commission is misleading. First, the “in-depth analysis” (Blanco and Sundseth <span>2023</span>) did not actually recommend downgrading the protection status of wolves. Second, the previous study commissioned by the European Parliament on the impact of large carnivores on farmers and their livelihood (Linnell and Cretois <span>2018</span>) did not provide the support for this outcome either. The current decision goes against their own recommendations from the Standing Committee of the Bern Convention on amendments of the Appendixes, which should be based on the best available science (Bern Convention <span>1997</span>). In fact, a similar downlisting proposal submitted by Switzerland was opposed by the European Commission only 2 years ago (European Union <span>2022</span>). There is no evidence to support a recent increase in livestock damages or threats to human safety from wolves since 2022 (Kaczensky et al. <span>2024</span>). Despite the positive trend of wolf and bear populations in Europe over the last decades at the continental scale (Chapron et al. <span>2014</span>; Kaczensky et al. <span>2024</span>), these species have not yet reached the so-called favorable conservation status in most European Member States (Eionet Portal <span>2025</span>) as required by the European Habitats Directive, and recently confirmed by the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU <span>2024</span>).</p><p>Wolf recolonization of European cultural landscapes containing intensive agriculture inevitably leads to more attacks on livestock, but a detailed analysis from Germany (where wolf killing is still restricted) showed that the relationship between the number of wolf territories and damage diminished over time, suggesting that non-lethal methods could reduce the losses (Singer et al. <span>2023</span>). Furthermore, studies from Europe and across the world provide very limited evidence on the effectiveness of wolf killing as a useful tool to decrease livestock losses (Eeden et al. <span>2018</span>; Grente et al. <span>2024</span>; Kompaniyets and Evans <span>2017</span>; Kutal et al. <span>2024</span>; Šuba et al. <span>2023</span>; Treves et al. <span>2016</span>). When considering the potential danger of wolves to humans, wolf attacks on humans are extremely rare events and there have been no fatalities in Europe associated with wolves in the 21st century (Linnell et al. <span>2021</span>).</p><p>However, it seems that issues of livestock and human safety around wolves have completely dominated the public debate, and quotes on the “concentration of wolf packs” have been widely reported in the media (e.g., Guillot <span>2024</span>). The use of populist discourses centered on fear and emotion (Leser and Pates <span>2021</span>) and the threat these species pose to rural livelihoods or human safety reinforce the use of the “political wolf” to win voters in the struggle for political power (Almarcha et al. <span>2022</span>) regardless of administrative level and political ideology. Those who oppose the recovery of large carnivores or lobby for limiting their populations are positioned as defenders of the interests of particular social groups (López-Bao et al. <span>2017</span>). Wolves have already been used by populist parties to symbolize the rural–urban divide (Leser and Pates <span>2021</span>) and wolf attacks on livestock predicted far-right populist votes in Germany (Clemm von Hohenberg and Hager <span>2022</span>). But the political wolf is not the domain of only far-right ideologies. The European Peoples Party, the largest political group in the European Parliament, also called for increased culling of wolves and bears in its manifest ahead of the last EU elections (EPP <span>2024</span>). There has been a noticeable shift recently toward lowering the requirements in environmental legislation in the European Union (Durá-Alemañ and López-Bao <span>2025</span>).</p><p>On March 7, 2025, the European Commission proposed to align the protection status of wolves under the EU Habitats Directive with the previous decision adopted by the Standing Committee of the Bern Convention, which was then approved by the European Parliament and the Council of the European Union on June 5, 2025 (Council of the EU <span>2025</span>). In practice, this means moving all wolf populations from Annex IV (strictly protected) to Annex V (species of community interest whose taking in the wild and exploitation may be subject to management measures). This is the first time that the Annexes of the Habitats Directive have been amended. It remains to be seen whether other species will follow the wolf.</p><p>The recent political debate and incentives around large carnivore conservation at the European level, and the last decisions mentioned above, may encourage the adoption of aggressive species management approaches across Member States to cap large carnivore populations at a certain size, regardless of obligations under EU law. In Sweden, for example, licensed hunting of wolves and bears has been practiced in the last few years, even though these species have been strictly protected under the EU Habitats Directive (Annex IV), and the Swedish government has announced its intention to reduce the required minimum number of wolves in the country from 300 individuals to 170 (Ministry of Climate and Enterprise <span>2024</span>). Although Member States are responsible for maintaining the favorable conservation status of species, unwarranted changes to favorable reference values could undermine previous conservation successes.</p><p>In Slovakia, wolves have already received reduced protection under EU law and were hunted for decades, but national law banned the killing of wolves since 2021 (Kutal et al. <span>2024</span>). After the elections in September 2023 and the establishment of a new populist government in Slovakia, the Ministry of the Environment changed the national legislation and the Ministry of Agriculture and Rural Development issued a quota for killing 74 wolves in the last season 2024/2025 (Ministry of Agriculture and Rural Development <span>2024</span>), without a robust assessment of the impact of such action on the wolf population dynamics. While official reasons for the change in the law were to prevent predation on livestock and wolf-dog hybridization, recent studies in Slovakia showed no impact of culling an average of 41 wolves per year on livestock losses in the following seasons and there was no confirmation of hybridization between wolves and domestic dogs (Hulva et al. <span>2018</span>; Kutal et al. <span>2024</span>; Salvatori et al. <span>2020</span>). The latest legislative changes in Slovakia also simplify the process of brown bear shooting during a declared “emergency situation.” As of December 2024, the Slovak authorities have already killed 93 bears in 2024 deemed to have “problematic behavior,” three times more than in the previous 5 years combined (SME <span>2024</span>). Furthermore, a new plan to kill 350 bears in 55 districts in Slovakia was approved in April 2025 by the Slovak government (Ministry of Environment of the Slovak Republic <span>2025</span>). Romania, the country hosting the largest bear populations in continental Europe, has taken a similar turn toward lethal management in recent years (Pop et al. <span>2025</span>).</p><p>The European Commission's debates and proposals to weaken wolf protection without a rigorous evaluation of the expected impacts of the proposed approach provide a foundation for national populist decisions on large carnivore management that are not evidence-based and offer little or no benefits for livestock owners, while previous proposals to improve the quality and transparency of data collection on livestock predation at the EU level (Selva et al. <span>2023</span>; Singer et al. <span>2023</span>) have so far been ignored. We are concerned when alleged scientific evidence is presented as a reason for the change of conservation status, but science is misused in the decision-making.</p><p>Robust, evidence-based mechanisms for managing large carnivore populations should be implemented at the national level for each EU Member State to limit the possibility that decisions will be politicized and the best available science ignored. Ultimately, each country is solely responsible for conserving biodiversity and finding sustainable ways to coexist with large carnivores. Best practices of mitigating measures for non-lethal wolf management are already available for implementation (Eeden et al. <span>2018</span>; Eklund et al. <span>2017</span>). Liberalizing the killing of wolves and bears will increase not only the flexibility of management actions but also the likelihood of negative outcomes for large carnivore conservation across Europe.</p><p>M.K. and J.V.L.B. designed the idea. M.K. led the writing of the manuscript. All authors reviewed and commented on the study.</p><p>M.K. is a member of the IUCN Large Carnivore Initiative for Europe. M.D. is a member of the IUCN Bear Specialist Group, and J.V.L.B. is a member of the IUCN Canid Specialist Group.</p>","PeriodicalId":157,"journal":{"name":"Conservation Letters","volume":"18 4","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":7.7000,"publicationDate":"2025-07-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/conl.13125","citationCount":"0","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Conservation Letters","FirstCategoryId":"93","ListUrlMain":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/conl.13125","RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"环境科学与生态学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"Q1","JCRName":"BIODIVERSITY CONSERVATION","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Abstract
In recent years, debates around downgrading the protection of large carnivores, such as wolves (Canis lupus) or bears (Ursus arctos), have become deeply political, especially in areas where these species are recovering in mainland Europe and North America (Ausband and Mech 2023; Di Bernardi et al. 2025). Various viewpoints on lethal control, either by target or non-target removals or through culling by authorities or public hunting schemes, have particularly exacerbated the polarization around large carnivore conservation and are often riddled with biased arguments (e.g., Chapron and López-Bao 2014; Kutal and Dula 2020; Vucetich and Nelson 2014). Livestock depredation is one of the main opposing factors against sharing the landscape with large carnivores. Despite inconclusive results of the effectiveness of current practices of lethal control to prevent livestock depredations (e.g., Eeden et al. 2018; Grente et al. 2024; Kutal et al. 2024), killing large carnivores is still often perceived as an effective strategy to reduce the impact of these species on livestock (Linnell et al. 2017). Lethal control is increasingly proposed as a solution by populist, center-right politicians, as seen recently across Europe (Carter and Guillot 2024).
The last decision by the Standing Committee of the Bern Convention (European Commission 2024) to downlist wolves from a “strictly protected” (Appendix II of the Bern Convention) to a “protected” (Appendix III of the Bern Convention) species, proposed by the European Commission, was entirely political and not based on scientific evidence. Even the Large Carnivore Initiative of Europe, a specialist group of IUCN's Species Survival Commission, considered the decision as “pre-mature and faulty” (LCIE 2024). However, the European Commission argued in its press release that the proposal is based on “in-depth analysis on the status of the wolf in the EU” (European Commission 2024) and stressed that “the concentration of wolf packs in some European regions has become a real danger for livestock and potentially also for humans.” The Commission urged local and national authorities to “take action where necessary” (European Commission 2023), quoting the President of the European Commission from the center-right European Peoples Party.
The reasoning used by the European Commission is misleading. First, the “in-depth analysis” (Blanco and Sundseth 2023) did not actually recommend downgrading the protection status of wolves. Second, the previous study commissioned by the European Parliament on the impact of large carnivores on farmers and their livelihood (Linnell and Cretois 2018) did not provide the support for this outcome either. The current decision goes against their own recommendations from the Standing Committee of the Bern Convention on amendments of the Appendixes, which should be based on the best available science (Bern Convention 1997). In fact, a similar downlisting proposal submitted by Switzerland was opposed by the European Commission only 2 years ago (European Union 2022). There is no evidence to support a recent increase in livestock damages or threats to human safety from wolves since 2022 (Kaczensky et al. 2024). Despite the positive trend of wolf and bear populations in Europe over the last decades at the continental scale (Chapron et al. 2014; Kaczensky et al. 2024), these species have not yet reached the so-called favorable conservation status in most European Member States (Eionet Portal 2025) as required by the European Habitats Directive, and recently confirmed by the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU 2024).
Wolf recolonization of European cultural landscapes containing intensive agriculture inevitably leads to more attacks on livestock, but a detailed analysis from Germany (where wolf killing is still restricted) showed that the relationship between the number of wolf territories and damage diminished over time, suggesting that non-lethal methods could reduce the losses (Singer et al. 2023). Furthermore, studies from Europe and across the world provide very limited evidence on the effectiveness of wolf killing as a useful tool to decrease livestock losses (Eeden et al. 2018; Grente et al. 2024; Kompaniyets and Evans 2017; Kutal et al. 2024; Šuba et al. 2023; Treves et al. 2016). When considering the potential danger of wolves to humans, wolf attacks on humans are extremely rare events and there have been no fatalities in Europe associated with wolves in the 21st century (Linnell et al. 2021).
However, it seems that issues of livestock and human safety around wolves have completely dominated the public debate, and quotes on the “concentration of wolf packs” have been widely reported in the media (e.g., Guillot 2024). The use of populist discourses centered on fear and emotion (Leser and Pates 2021) and the threat these species pose to rural livelihoods or human safety reinforce the use of the “political wolf” to win voters in the struggle for political power (Almarcha et al. 2022) regardless of administrative level and political ideology. Those who oppose the recovery of large carnivores or lobby for limiting their populations are positioned as defenders of the interests of particular social groups (López-Bao et al. 2017). Wolves have already been used by populist parties to symbolize the rural–urban divide (Leser and Pates 2021) and wolf attacks on livestock predicted far-right populist votes in Germany (Clemm von Hohenberg and Hager 2022). But the political wolf is not the domain of only far-right ideologies. The European Peoples Party, the largest political group in the European Parliament, also called for increased culling of wolves and bears in its manifest ahead of the last EU elections (EPP 2024). There has been a noticeable shift recently toward lowering the requirements in environmental legislation in the European Union (Durá-Alemañ and López-Bao 2025).
On March 7, 2025, the European Commission proposed to align the protection status of wolves under the EU Habitats Directive with the previous decision adopted by the Standing Committee of the Bern Convention, which was then approved by the European Parliament and the Council of the European Union on June 5, 2025 (Council of the EU 2025). In practice, this means moving all wolf populations from Annex IV (strictly protected) to Annex V (species of community interest whose taking in the wild and exploitation may be subject to management measures). This is the first time that the Annexes of the Habitats Directive have been amended. It remains to be seen whether other species will follow the wolf.
The recent political debate and incentives around large carnivore conservation at the European level, and the last decisions mentioned above, may encourage the adoption of aggressive species management approaches across Member States to cap large carnivore populations at a certain size, regardless of obligations under EU law. In Sweden, for example, licensed hunting of wolves and bears has been practiced in the last few years, even though these species have been strictly protected under the EU Habitats Directive (Annex IV), and the Swedish government has announced its intention to reduce the required minimum number of wolves in the country from 300 individuals to 170 (Ministry of Climate and Enterprise 2024). Although Member States are responsible for maintaining the favorable conservation status of species, unwarranted changes to favorable reference values could undermine previous conservation successes.
In Slovakia, wolves have already received reduced protection under EU law and were hunted for decades, but national law banned the killing of wolves since 2021 (Kutal et al. 2024). After the elections in September 2023 and the establishment of a new populist government in Slovakia, the Ministry of the Environment changed the national legislation and the Ministry of Agriculture and Rural Development issued a quota for killing 74 wolves in the last season 2024/2025 (Ministry of Agriculture and Rural Development 2024), without a robust assessment of the impact of such action on the wolf population dynamics. While official reasons for the change in the law were to prevent predation on livestock and wolf-dog hybridization, recent studies in Slovakia showed no impact of culling an average of 41 wolves per year on livestock losses in the following seasons and there was no confirmation of hybridization between wolves and domestic dogs (Hulva et al. 2018; Kutal et al. 2024; Salvatori et al. 2020). The latest legislative changes in Slovakia also simplify the process of brown bear shooting during a declared “emergency situation.” As of December 2024, the Slovak authorities have already killed 93 bears in 2024 deemed to have “problematic behavior,” three times more than in the previous 5 years combined (SME 2024). Furthermore, a new plan to kill 350 bears in 55 districts in Slovakia was approved in April 2025 by the Slovak government (Ministry of Environment of the Slovak Republic 2025). Romania, the country hosting the largest bear populations in continental Europe, has taken a similar turn toward lethal management in recent years (Pop et al. 2025).
The European Commission's debates and proposals to weaken wolf protection without a rigorous evaluation of the expected impacts of the proposed approach provide a foundation for national populist decisions on large carnivore management that are not evidence-based and offer little or no benefits for livestock owners, while previous proposals to improve the quality and transparency of data collection on livestock predation at the EU level (Selva et al. 2023; Singer et al. 2023) have so far been ignored. We are concerned when alleged scientific evidence is presented as a reason for the change of conservation status, but science is misused in the decision-making.
Robust, evidence-based mechanisms for managing large carnivore populations should be implemented at the national level for each EU Member State to limit the possibility that decisions will be politicized and the best available science ignored. Ultimately, each country is solely responsible for conserving biodiversity and finding sustainable ways to coexist with large carnivores. Best practices of mitigating measures for non-lethal wolf management are already available for implementation (Eeden et al. 2018; Eklund et al. 2017). Liberalizing the killing of wolves and bears will increase not only the flexibility of management actions but also the likelihood of negative outcomes for large carnivore conservation across Europe.
M.K. and J.V.L.B. designed the idea. M.K. led the writing of the manuscript. All authors reviewed and commented on the study.
M.K. is a member of the IUCN Large Carnivore Initiative for Europe. M.D. is a member of the IUCN Bear Specialist Group, and J.V.L.B. is a member of the IUCN Canid Specialist Group.
近年来,关于降低对狼(Canis lupus)或熊(Ursus arctos)等大型食肉动物保护程度的争论已经变得非常政治化,特别是在这些物种正在欧洲大陆和北美恢复的地区(Ausband and Mech 2023;Di Bernardi et al. 2025)。关于致命控制的各种观点,无论是通过目标或非目标移除,还是通过当局或公共狩猎计划的剔除,都特别加剧了围绕大型食肉动物保护的两极分化,并且经常充斥着有偏见的论点(例如,Chapron和López-Bao 2014;库塔尔和杜拉2020;Vucetich and Nelson 2014)。牲畜的掠夺是反对与大型食肉动物共享景观的主要反对因素之一。尽管目前用于防止牲畜掠夺的致命控制措施的有效性尚无定论(例如,Eeden等人,2018;Grente et al. 2024;Kutal et al. 2024),杀死大型食肉动物仍然经常被认为是减少这些物种对牲畜影响的有效策略(Linnell et al. 2017)。正如最近在欧洲各地看到的那样,民粹主义和中右翼政治家越来越多地提出致命控制作为解决方案(Carter and Guillot 2024)。伯尔尼公约常务委员会(欧盟委员会2024年)最后一次决定将狼从“严格保护”物种(伯尔尼公约附录II)降为“受保护”物种(伯尔尼公约附录III),这是由欧盟委员会提出的,完全是政治上的,而不是基于科学证据。就连世界自然保护联盟物种生存委员会的一个专家小组——欧洲大型食肉动物倡议组织也认为这一决定“早熟且有缺陷”(LCIE 2024)。然而,欧盟委员会在其新闻稿中辩称,该提案是基于“对欧盟狼状况的深入分析”(欧盟委员会2024年),并强调“狼群在欧洲一些地区的集中已经对牲畜和人类构成了真正的危险。”欧盟委员会援引来自中右翼欧洲人民党(European Peoples Party)的欧盟委员会主席的话,敦促地方和国家当局“在必要时采取行动”(European Commission 2023)。欧盟委员会使用的理由具有误导性。首先,“深度分析”(Blanco and Sundseth 2023)实际上并没有建议降低狼的保护地位。其次,欧洲议会之前委托进行的关于大型食肉动物对农民及其生计的影响的研究(Linnell and Cretois 2018)也没有为这一结果提供支持。目前的决定违背了他们自己提出的《伯尔尼公约》常设委员会关于修订附录的建议,该建议应以现有的最佳科学为基础(《伯尔尼公约1997》)。事实上,仅在两年前,瑞士提交的类似降级提案就遭到了欧盟委员会(European Union 2022)的反对。没有证据表明,自2022年以来,牲畜受到的损害或狼对人类安全的威胁有所增加(Kaczensky et al. 2024)。尽管在过去的几十年里,在大陆尺度上,欧洲的狼和熊的数量呈积极的趋势(Chapron et al. 2014;Kaczensky et al. 2024),这些物种尚未达到欧洲栖息地指令要求的大多数欧洲成员国(Eionet Portal 2025)所谓的有利保护地位,最近得到了欧盟法院(CJEU 2024)的确认。在集约化农业的欧洲文化景观中,狼的再殖民不可避免地导致了对牲畜的更多攻击,但德国(在那里仍然限制捕杀狼)的一项详细分析表明,随着时间的推移,狼领地数量与破坏之间的关系逐渐减弱,这表明非致命方法可以减少损失(Singer et al. 2023)。此外,来自欧洲和世界各地的研究提供了非常有限的证据,证明杀狼作为减少牲畜损失的有用工具的有效性(Eeden等人,2018;Grente et al. 2024;Kompaniyets and Evans 2017;Kutal et al. 2024;Šuba等,2023;Treves et al. 2016)。考虑到狼对人类的潜在危险,狼袭击人类是极其罕见的事件,21世纪以来,欧洲没有发生与狼有关的死亡事件(Linnell et al. 2021)。然而,围绕狼的牲畜和人类安全问题似乎完全主导了公众的辩论,媒体上广泛报道了关于“狼群集中”的引用(例如,Guillot 2024)。 以恐惧和情绪为中心的民粹主义话语的使用(Leser和Pates 2021)以及这些物种对农村生计或人类安全构成的威胁,加强了“政治狼”的使用,无论行政级别和政治意识形态如何,都可以在政治权力斗争中赢得选民(Almarcha et al. 2022)。那些反对恢复大型食肉动物或游说限制其数量的人被定位为特定社会群体利益的捍卫者(López-Bao et al. 2017)。狼已经被民粹主义政党用来象征城乡分化(Leser和Pates 2021年),狼袭击牲畜预示着德国极右翼民粹主义的投票(Clemm von Hohenberg和Hager 2022年)。但政治之狼不仅仅是极右翼意识形态的领地。欧洲议会中最大的政治团体欧洲人民党(EPP 2024)在最后一次欧盟选举前的宣言中也呼吁加大对狼和熊的捕杀力度。最近,欧盟在降低环境立法要求方面出现了明显的转变(Durá-Alemañ和López-Bao 2025)。2025年3月7日,欧盟委员会提议将《欧盟栖息地指令》下狼的保护地位与之前伯尔尼公约常务委员会通过的决定保持一致,该决定随后于2025年6月5日由欧洲议会和欧盟理事会(Council of the EU 2025)批准。实际上,这意味着将所有狼种群从附件四(受到严格保护)移至附件五(具有社区利益的物种,其野外狩猎和开发可能受到管理措施的约束)。这是生境指令的附件第一次被修改。其他物种是否会跟随狼的脚步还有待观察。最近围绕欧洲大型食肉动物保护的政治辩论和激励措施,以及上述最后的决定,可能会鼓励各成员国采取积极的物种管理方法,将大型食肉动物的种群数量限制在一定规模,而不顾欧盟法律规定的义务。例如,在瑞典,尽管这些物种受到欧盟栖息地指令(附件四)的严格保护,但在过去几年中,狼和熊的狩猎已经得到许可,瑞典政府已经宣布打算将该国狼的最低数量从300只减少到170只(气候和企业部2024年)。虽然会员国有责任维持物种的良好保护地位,但对有利参考值的毫无根据的改变可能会破坏以前的保护成果。在斯洛伐克,狼受到欧盟法律的保护已经减少,几十年来一直被捕杀,但自2021年以来,国家法律禁止捕杀狼(Kutal et al. 2024)。在斯洛伐克2023年9月的选举和新的民粹主义政府成立之后,环境部修改了国家立法,农业和农村发展部发布了在2024/2025年最后一个季节(2024年农业和农村发展部)捕杀74只狼的配额,但没有对此类行动对狼种群动态的影响进行强有力的评估。虽然修改法律的官方原因是为了防止牲畜被捕食和狼狗杂交,但斯洛伐克最近的研究表明,在接下来的季节里,平均每年捕杀41只狼对牲畜的损失没有影响,也没有证实狼和家狗之间的杂交(Hulva等人,2018;Kutal et al. 2024;Salvatori et al. 2020)。斯洛伐克最新的立法改革也简化了在宣布的“紧急情况”期间射杀棕熊的程序。截至2024年12月,斯洛伐克当局在2024年已经杀死了93只被认为有“问题行为”的熊,是前5年总和的三倍多(SME 2024)。此外,斯洛伐克政府于2025年4月批准了一项在斯洛伐克55个地区捕杀350只熊的新计划(斯洛伐克共和国环境部2025)。罗马尼亚是欧洲大陆熊数量最多的国家,近年来也采取了类似的致命管理措施(Pop et al. 2025)。欧盟委员会在没有对拟议方法的预期影响进行严格评估的情况下,就削弱狼保护的辩论和建议,为国家在大型食肉动物管理方面的民粹主义决策提供了基础,这些决策没有证据,对牲畜所有者几乎没有好处,而之前关于提高欧盟层面牲畜捕食数据收集质量和透明度的建议(Selva et al. 2023;Singer et al. 2023)到目前为止被忽略了。 当所谓的科学证据被提出作为改变保护状态的理由时,我们感到担忧,但科学在决策中被滥用。每个欧盟成员国都应该在国家层面上实施强有力的、以证据为基础的大型食肉动物种群管理机制,以限制决策被政治化和忽视现有最佳科学的可能性。最终,每个国家都有责任保护生物多样性,并找到与大型食肉动物共存的可持续方式。非致命性狼管理缓解措施的最佳实践已经可供实施(Eeden等人,2018;Eklund et al. 2017)。放开对狼和熊的捕杀,不仅会增加管理行动的灵活性,而且还可能对整个欧洲的大型食肉动物保护产生负面影响。J.V.L.B.设计了这个想法。M.K.主导了手稿的写作。所有作者都对该研究进行了评审和评论。是世界自然保护联盟欧洲大型食肉动物计划的成员。M.D.是IUCN熊类专家小组的成员,J.V.L.B.是IUCN犬科专家小组的成员。
期刊介绍:
Conservation Letters is a reputable scientific journal that is devoted to the publication of both empirical and theoretical research that has important implications for the conservation of biological diversity. The journal warmly invites submissions from various disciplines within the biological and social sciences, with a particular interest in interdisciplinary work. The primary aim is to advance both pragmatic conservation objectives and scientific knowledge. Manuscripts are subject to a rapid communication schedule, therefore they should address current and relevant topics. Research articles should effectively communicate the significance of their findings in relation to conservation policy and practice.