The waiting game: when families decline – a brief commentary on delayed intervention in childhood obesity management

IF 4.2 2区 医学 Q1 ENDOCRINOLOGY & METABOLISM
Obesity Pub Date : 2025-07-01 DOI:10.1002/oby.24347
José G. B. Derraik, Paul L. Hofman
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The authors linked routine anthropometric measurements from mandatory school health checks with socioeconomic data for 713 children, enabling their longitudinal tracking (median, 3.6 years) [<span>(2)</span>]. This approach minimized recall and selection biases when comparing body mass index (BMI) <i>z</i> score changes in children whose families declined a lifestyle intervention versus those who were never invited, with both groups exhibiting similar but modest BMI reductions over time. The study also highlighted the complex role of socioeconomic factors. For example, higher parental education was associated with greater BMI <i>z</i> score reduction in the group that declined participation, corroborating earlier Danish work linking lower parental education and higher rates of childhood overweight and obesity [<span>(3)</span>]. This suggests that educational attainment may facilitate healthier behaviors and contribute to reduced risk of childhood obesity.</p><p>Nonetheless, as the authors note, classifying children into a no-intervention group leaves open the possibility that families differed in unmeasured ways, such as referral practices [<span>(4)</span>], that may have influenced comparability between groups. For example, if clinicians were less likely to invite children perceived as lower risk, the no-intervention cohort could differ systematically from those whose families declined participation. Also, although the study [<span>(2)</span>] benefited from Denmark's routine health checks, more than the mandated three assessments were recorded for many participants, i.e., more than one-half had four or more visits within a relatively short interval, suggesting a degree of additional monitoring that the authors themselves acknowledged. This could have fostered behavioral modifications independent of the formal intervention. The authors argued that these frequent contacts (primarily measurement-focused and not structured interventions) were unlikely to affect long-term weight trajectories in their study. However, regular interactions with primary care providers (especially in the context of active intervention) remain critical for sustainable behavioral change in pediatric obesity management [<span>(5)</span>].</p><p>Furthermore, interpreting short-term changes (e.g., at 6 months) from longitudinal models, such as the adopted multiple linear splines, requires careful consideration, particularly with sparse data at early follow-up points or when trajectories are inherently nonlinear. Although such models are powerful for describing overall trends, specific early estimates should be viewed within the broader longitudinal context, particularly considering the participants' young age (i.e., 5–8 years at obesity diagnosis). At this age, children largely depend on caregivers' decisions for study participation and lifestyle choices, influencing engagement pathways and intervention outcomes. This context of caregiver influence, in which parental decisions are paramount, aligns with the observation that BMI changes did not differ between the declined and the no-intervention groups for these young children. Still, the absence of data on pubertal status requires caution when extrapolating study findings to older children and adolescents. These youth exhibit greater autonomy and undergo substantial physiological changes throughout puberty that are key determinants of body composition and metabolism. In addition, the apparent absence of socioeconomic or immigration status influences on weight trajectories is noteworthy but likely reflects Denmark's relatively strong social welfare system rather than universally applicable patterns. In health care systems with greater disparities, such factors would likely have a greater impact on weight gain.</p><p>Importantly, Jørgensen et al. provide valuable longitudinal data on an understudied population, i.e., children whose families declined obesity intervention. Considering the complex nature of childhood obesity, the observation that a “brief postponement” of intervention may not worsen weight trajectories could inform more thoughtful and sensitive approaches when engaging hesitant families. Existing evidence emphasizes the importance of family readiness (“readiness for change”) in pediatric obesity management, and perceived autonomy and reduced pressure from health care providers can improve engagement and adherence [<span>(6)</span>].</p><p>Although Jørgensen et al.'s findings are reassuring, the decision to postpone childhood obesity interventions must be considered with care. Childhood obesity strongly predicts obesity in adolescence and adulthood [<span>(7)</span>], and delayed intervention can negatively impact not just weight gain but also cardiovascular, metabolic, and mental health and quality of life. Therefore, the adverse health outcomes associated with childhood obesity are best addressed through early intervention. 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引用次数: 0

Abstract

There is mounting global concern regarding childhood obesity, with 159 million children and adolescents aged 5 to 19 years classified as having obesity worldwide [(1)]. In this context, the study by Jørgensen et al. [(2)] investigated an important yet understudied question: whether the decision by caregivers not to engage in a family-centered lifestyle intervention affects the long-term weight trajectory in children with obesity.

It is commendable that Jørgensen et al. [(2)] capitalized on Denmark's comprehensive national health registry infrastructure to follow up children without additional participant burden. The authors linked routine anthropometric measurements from mandatory school health checks with socioeconomic data for 713 children, enabling their longitudinal tracking (median, 3.6 years) [(2)]. This approach minimized recall and selection biases when comparing body mass index (BMI) z score changes in children whose families declined a lifestyle intervention versus those who were never invited, with both groups exhibiting similar but modest BMI reductions over time. The study also highlighted the complex role of socioeconomic factors. For example, higher parental education was associated with greater BMI z score reduction in the group that declined participation, corroborating earlier Danish work linking lower parental education and higher rates of childhood overweight and obesity [(3)]. This suggests that educational attainment may facilitate healthier behaviors and contribute to reduced risk of childhood obesity.

Nonetheless, as the authors note, classifying children into a no-intervention group leaves open the possibility that families differed in unmeasured ways, such as referral practices [(4)], that may have influenced comparability between groups. For example, if clinicians were less likely to invite children perceived as lower risk, the no-intervention cohort could differ systematically from those whose families declined participation. Also, although the study [(2)] benefited from Denmark's routine health checks, more than the mandated three assessments were recorded for many participants, i.e., more than one-half had four or more visits within a relatively short interval, suggesting a degree of additional monitoring that the authors themselves acknowledged. This could have fostered behavioral modifications independent of the formal intervention. The authors argued that these frequent contacts (primarily measurement-focused and not structured interventions) were unlikely to affect long-term weight trajectories in their study. However, regular interactions with primary care providers (especially in the context of active intervention) remain critical for sustainable behavioral change in pediatric obesity management [(5)].

Furthermore, interpreting short-term changes (e.g., at 6 months) from longitudinal models, such as the adopted multiple linear splines, requires careful consideration, particularly with sparse data at early follow-up points or when trajectories are inherently nonlinear. Although such models are powerful for describing overall trends, specific early estimates should be viewed within the broader longitudinal context, particularly considering the participants' young age (i.e., 5–8 years at obesity diagnosis). At this age, children largely depend on caregivers' decisions for study participation and lifestyle choices, influencing engagement pathways and intervention outcomes. This context of caregiver influence, in which parental decisions are paramount, aligns with the observation that BMI changes did not differ between the declined and the no-intervention groups for these young children. Still, the absence of data on pubertal status requires caution when extrapolating study findings to older children and adolescents. These youth exhibit greater autonomy and undergo substantial physiological changes throughout puberty that are key determinants of body composition and metabolism. In addition, the apparent absence of socioeconomic or immigration status influences on weight trajectories is noteworthy but likely reflects Denmark's relatively strong social welfare system rather than universally applicable patterns. In health care systems with greater disparities, such factors would likely have a greater impact on weight gain.

Importantly, Jørgensen et al. provide valuable longitudinal data on an understudied population, i.e., children whose families declined obesity intervention. Considering the complex nature of childhood obesity, the observation that a “brief postponement” of intervention may not worsen weight trajectories could inform more thoughtful and sensitive approaches when engaging hesitant families. Existing evidence emphasizes the importance of family readiness (“readiness for change”) in pediatric obesity management, and perceived autonomy and reduced pressure from health care providers can improve engagement and adherence [(6)].

Although Jørgensen et al.'s findings are reassuring, the decision to postpone childhood obesity interventions must be considered with care. Childhood obesity strongly predicts obesity in adolescence and adulthood [(7)], and delayed intervention can negatively impact not just weight gain but also cardiovascular, metabolic, and mental health and quality of life. Therefore, the adverse health outcomes associated with childhood obesity are best addressed through early intervention. Although the present study did not examine specific treatment approaches, existing evidence shows that multidisciplinary family-focused programs delivered at home or in community settings are most effective [(8)].

Although Jørgensen et al.'s observation that declining participation did not worsen weight gain compared with uninvited peers is reassuring, this should not reduce efforts to involve families in evidence-based interventions. The option of brief postponement must be weighed against the potential benefits of early intervention. Rather than using these findings to justify delays as standard practice, they could help develop better approaches to increase family engagement. This means addressing participation barriers while respecting family choices and recognizing that brief delays may not lead to harmful outcomes in all cases. Ultimately, this Danish study [(2)] highlights the need for more research on the best timing and customization of interventions, especially regarding family readiness and socioeconomic factors.

The authors declared no conflicts of interest.

等待游戏:当家庭衰落时——对儿童肥胖管理延迟干预的简短评论
全球对儿童肥胖的关注日益增加,全世界有1.59亿5至19岁的儿童和青少年被列为肥胖[(1)]。在此背景下,Jørgensen等人的研究[(2)]调查了一个重要但尚未得到充分研究的问题:照顾者不参与以家庭为中心的生活方式干预的决定是否会影响肥胖儿童的长期体重轨迹。值得赞扬的是,Jørgensen等人[(2)]利用丹麦全面的国家健康登记基础设施对儿童进行随访,而没有额外的参与者负担。作者将713名儿童的强制性学校健康检查的常规人体测量数据与社会经济数据联系起来,使他们能够进行纵向跟踪(中位数,3.6年)[(2)]。当比较那些家庭拒绝生活方式干预的孩子和那些从未被邀请的孩子的身体质量指数(BMI) z分数变化时,这种方法最大限度地减少了回忆和选择偏差,两组随着时间的推移都表现出相似但适度的BMI下降。该研究还强调了社会经济因素的复杂作用。例如,在拒绝参与的那一组中,父母受教育程度越高,BMI z分数的下降幅度越大,这证实了丹麦早期的研究结果,即父母受教育程度越低,儿童超重和肥胖率越高[(3)]。这表明受教育程度可以促进更健康的行为,并有助于降低儿童肥胖的风险。然而,正如作者所指出的那样,将儿童划分为无干预组,可能会导致家庭之间在未测量的方面存在差异,例如转诊实践[[4]],这可能会影响组间的可比性。例如,如果临床医生不太可能邀请被认为风险较低的儿童,那么无干预队列可能与那些家庭拒绝参与的队列有系统的不同。此外,虽然这项研究受益于丹麦的例行健康检查,但对许多参与者记录的评估超过了规定的三次,即,超过一半的参与者在相对较短的时间间隔内进行了四次或更多的检查,这表明作者自己也承认有一定程度的额外监测。这可能培养了独立于正式干预的行为改变。作者认为,在他们的研究中,这些频繁的接触(主要是以测量为中心,而不是结构化的干预)不太可能影响长期的体重轨迹。然而,与初级保健提供者的定期互动(特别是在积极干预的背景下)对于儿童肥胖管理中可持续的行为改变仍然至关重要[(5)]。此外,从纵向模型(如采用的多重线性样条)解释短期变化(例如6个月)需要仔细考虑,特别是在早期后续点的稀疏数据或轨迹本身是非线性的情况下。虽然这些模型在描述总体趋势方面很有力,但具体的早期估计应该在更广泛的纵向背景下进行,特别是考虑到参与者的年轻年龄(即肥胖诊断时为5-8岁)。在这个年龄段,儿童在很大程度上取决于照顾者的决定,以参与研究和选择生活方式,影响参与途径和干预结果。这种照顾者影响的背景下,父母的决定是最重要的,这与观察结果一致,即这些幼儿的BMI变化在下降组和无干预组之间没有差异。然而,在将研究结果外推到年龄较大的儿童和青少年时,由于缺乏青春期状态的数据,需要谨慎。这些青少年表现出更大的自主性,并在整个青春期经历实质性的生理变化,这些变化是身体组成和新陈代谢的关键决定因素。此外,值得注意的是,社会经济或移民身份对体重轨迹明显没有影响,但这可能反映了丹麦相对强大的社会福利制度,而不是普遍适用的模式。在差距较大的卫生保健系统中,这些因素可能会对体重增加产生更大的影响。重要的是,Jørgensen等人提供了有价值的纵向数据,涉及未充分研究的人群,即家庭拒绝肥胖干预的儿童。考虑到儿童肥胖的复杂性,“短暂推迟”干预可能不会使体重轨迹恶化的观察结果,可以在与犹豫不决的家庭接触时提供更周到、更敏感的方法。现有证据强调家庭准备(“改变准备”)在儿童肥胖管理中的重要性,并且感知到的自主权和来自医疗保健提供者的压力减少可以提高参与和依从性[(6)]。尽管Jørgensen等人。 尽管研究结果令人放心,但推迟儿童肥胖干预的决定必须慎重考虑。儿童期肥胖强烈预示着青春期和成年期的肥胖[(7)],延迟干预不仅会对体重增加产生负面影响,还会对心血管、代谢、心理健康和生活质量产生负面影响。因此,与儿童肥胖相关的不良健康结果最好通过早期干预来解决。虽然目前的研究没有研究具体的治疗方法,但现有的证据表明,在家庭或社区环境中提供多学科的以家庭为中心的项目是最有效的[(8)]。虽然Jørgensen等人的观察表明,与不请自来的同伴相比,减少参与并不会加重体重增加,这令人放心,但这不应减少让家庭参与循证干预的努力。短期推迟的选择必须与早期干预的潜在好处进行权衡。与其用这些发现来证明延迟是一种标准做法,不如帮助开发出更好的方法来提高家庭参与度。这意味着在尊重家庭选择的同时解决参与障碍,并认识到短暂的延迟可能不会在所有情况下导致有害的结果。最后,丹麦的这项研究[(2)]强调了对干预措施的最佳时机和定制化进行更多研究的必要性,特别是在家庭准备和社会经济因素方面。作者声明没有利益冲突。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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来源期刊
Obesity
Obesity 医学-内分泌学与代谢
CiteScore
11.70
自引率
1.40%
发文量
261
审稿时长
2-4 weeks
期刊介绍: Obesity is the official journal of The Obesity Society and is the premier source of information for increasing knowledge, fostering translational research from basic to population science, and promoting better treatment for people with obesity. Obesity publishes important peer-reviewed research and cutting-edge reviews, commentaries, and public health and medical developments.
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