Is big money distorting the global drug policy conversation?

IF 5.2 1区 医学 Q1 PSYCHIATRY
Addiction Pub Date : 2025-04-03 DOI:10.1111/add.70059
Bobby P. Smyth
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OSF supports groups who put forward alternatives to prohibition and who support legalization [<span>2</span>], saying ‘the vast majority of our grants are awarded to organizations that we approach directly’ and it funds those ‘who share our values’ [<span>5</span>].</p><p>The annual meeting in Vienna of the Commission on Narcotic Drugs (CND) is a key event in the annual calendar for those interested in the drug conventions. The program involves plenaries and dozens of organised official side events [<span>6</span>]. OSF was among the non-governmental organizations (NGOs) at the meeting in 2024 and was formally involved in the running of 11 side events.</p><p>The funding relationship between OSF and the 49 other NGO contributors to these 11 OSF-involved side events was explored. It emerged that 38 (78%) had recent (2016–2023) OSF funding. OSF helpfully lists grantees on its own website [<span>7</span>]. This confirmed funding in 31 instances. Financial support for individual NGOs ranged from $25 000 to $18 million over the 8 years. These 31 entities shared over $82 million from OSF across this period. In the other seven cases, funding was confirmed by the NGO's own website or via media reports. There were at least another 10 OSF funded NGOs involved in supporting other side events at CND 2024 [<span>6</span>].</p><p>OSF has also recently funded both the Joint UN Programme on HIV/AIDS and Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) who each supported seven of the OSF-involved side events. The OHCHR received an average of $100 000 annually from OSF across 2018 to 2022 [<span>7</span>]. This increased to $1.52 million in 2023. In 2023, OHCHR issued a report on drug policy urging countries to ‘consider developing a regulatory system for legal access to all controlled substances’ [<span>8</span>]. The UN High Commissioner recently called for ‘responsible regulation’ at a conference on the ‘sensible regulation of drugs’ [<span>9</span>]. This echoes the views of the OSF funder and conflicts with a current UN Convention.</p><p>A decade ago, Forbes magazine declared George Soros to be the biggest drug reformer in the United States [<span>10</span>]. This influence now appears truly global, OSF attending this CND meeting with an army of over 50 NGOs and UN offices who are financially beholding to his think-tank.</p><p>Some of the funded entities at the CND meeting are university based and contribute research on drug policy. OSF additionally funds other researchers involved in production of articles in high impact scientific journals. These have included the International Drug Policy Unit in the London School of Economics, the Centre for Public Health and Human Rights at Johns Hopkins, the University of Essex's International Centre on Human Rights and Drug Policy, Swansea University's Global Drug Policy Observatory and DrugScience. While OSF funding is generally acknowledged, the conflicts inherent in receipt of the funding are broadly overlooked.</p><p>As a high profile example, the Lancet Commission on Drug Policy and Health was established with the explicit goal of influencing the discussion on drug policy within the UN and was published in the Lancet [<span>11</span>]. OSF was the sole funder [<span>12</span>]. All five of the selected commission leads have had links with OSF, as employees, members of advisory boards or grant recipients. This commission recommended drug legalization. Given that research is supposed to clarify facts, there is a need for greater transparency when research funding is sourced from an entity with a strong agenda and recommendations are made consistent with that agenda.</p><p>It is odd that this overall influence on both civil society advocacy and academic output receives almost no attention in scientific and policy literature. At a minimum, it seems that those who receive OSF funds should declare it as a conflict of interest when discussing drug policy [<span>13, 14</span>]. Within academia and public health, there appears to be a need for acknowledgement, reflection and more open discussion regarding the influence of the aspirations of billionaires upon issues such as drug policy.</p><p>None.</p>","PeriodicalId":109,"journal":{"name":"Addiction","volume":"120 6","pages":"1284-1285"},"PeriodicalIF":5.2000,"publicationDate":"2025-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/add.70059","citationCount":"0","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Addiction","FirstCategoryId":"3","ListUrlMain":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/add.70059","RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"医学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"Q1","JCRName":"PSYCHIATRY","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0

Abstract

The Open Society Foundation (OSF) appears to have a large and distorting influence upon the current global drug policy conversation.

The United Nations (UN) Conventions on Narcotic Drugs stand as a massive obstacle for those with drug legalization ambitions [1]. OSF is a wealthy opponent of the drug conventions, being led by the multi-billionaire, George Soros [2, 3]. The funding of this think-tank has been assessed as being ‘highly opaque’ [4]. OSF supports groups who put forward alternatives to prohibition and who support legalization [2], saying ‘the vast majority of our grants are awarded to organizations that we approach directly’ and it funds those ‘who share our values’ [5].

The annual meeting in Vienna of the Commission on Narcotic Drugs (CND) is a key event in the annual calendar for those interested in the drug conventions. The program involves plenaries and dozens of organised official side events [6]. OSF was among the non-governmental organizations (NGOs) at the meeting in 2024 and was formally involved in the running of 11 side events.

The funding relationship between OSF and the 49 other NGO contributors to these 11 OSF-involved side events was explored. It emerged that 38 (78%) had recent (2016–2023) OSF funding. OSF helpfully lists grantees on its own website [7]. This confirmed funding in 31 instances. Financial support for individual NGOs ranged from $25 000 to $18 million over the 8 years. These 31 entities shared over $82 million from OSF across this period. In the other seven cases, funding was confirmed by the NGO's own website or via media reports. There were at least another 10 OSF funded NGOs involved in supporting other side events at CND 2024 [6].

OSF has also recently funded both the Joint UN Programme on HIV/AIDS and Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) who each supported seven of the OSF-involved side events. The OHCHR received an average of $100 000 annually from OSF across 2018 to 2022 [7]. This increased to $1.52 million in 2023. In 2023, OHCHR issued a report on drug policy urging countries to ‘consider developing a regulatory system for legal access to all controlled substances’ [8]. The UN High Commissioner recently called for ‘responsible regulation’ at a conference on the ‘sensible regulation of drugs’ [9]. This echoes the views of the OSF funder and conflicts with a current UN Convention.

A decade ago, Forbes magazine declared George Soros to be the biggest drug reformer in the United States [10]. This influence now appears truly global, OSF attending this CND meeting with an army of over 50 NGOs and UN offices who are financially beholding to his think-tank.

Some of the funded entities at the CND meeting are university based and contribute research on drug policy. OSF additionally funds other researchers involved in production of articles in high impact scientific journals. These have included the International Drug Policy Unit in the London School of Economics, the Centre for Public Health and Human Rights at Johns Hopkins, the University of Essex's International Centre on Human Rights and Drug Policy, Swansea University's Global Drug Policy Observatory and DrugScience. While OSF funding is generally acknowledged, the conflicts inherent in receipt of the funding are broadly overlooked.

As a high profile example, the Lancet Commission on Drug Policy and Health was established with the explicit goal of influencing the discussion on drug policy within the UN and was published in the Lancet [11]. OSF was the sole funder [12]. All five of the selected commission leads have had links with OSF, as employees, members of advisory boards or grant recipients. This commission recommended drug legalization. Given that research is supposed to clarify facts, there is a need for greater transparency when research funding is sourced from an entity with a strong agenda and recommendations are made consistent with that agenda.

It is odd that this overall influence on both civil society advocacy and academic output receives almost no attention in scientific and policy literature. At a minimum, it seems that those who receive OSF funds should declare it as a conflict of interest when discussing drug policy [13, 14]. Within academia and public health, there appears to be a need for acknowledgement, reflection and more open discussion regarding the influence of the aspirations of billionaires upon issues such as drug policy.

None.

巨额资金是否扭曲了全球毒品政策对话?
开放社会基金会(OSF)似乎对当前的全球毒品政策对话产生了巨大而扭曲的影响。联合国麻醉药品公约对那些有毒品合法化野心的人来说是一个巨大的障碍。OSF是毒品公约的富有反对者,由亿万富翁乔治·索罗斯领导[2,3]。该智库的资金被评估为“高度不透明”。OSF支持那些提出替代禁令和支持合法化的组织,称“我们的绝大部分拨款都是授予我们直接接触的组织”,并资助那些“与我们有共同价值观”的组织。麻醉药品委员会(麻醉品委员会)在维也纳举行的年会对那些对药物公约感兴趣的人来说是年度日历上的一项重要活动。该计划包括全体会议和数十个有组织的官方活动。OSF是2024年会议的非政府组织(ngo)之一,并正式参与了11个会外活动的运作。探讨了OSF与这11个参与OSF的会外活动的其他49个非政府组织捐助者之间的供资关系。其中38个(78%)最近获得了OSF的资助(2016-2023)。OSF在自己的网站[7]上列出了受资助者名单。这证实有31个案例得到资助。八年间,个别非政府组织获得的资助从25,000美元到1,800万美元不等。这31个实体在此期间从OSF分享了8200多万美元。在其他七个案例中,资助是由非政府组织自己的网站或媒体报道证实的。至少还有另外10个OSF资助的非政府组织参与了cnd2024[6]的其他会外活动。OSF最近还资助了联合国艾滋病毒/艾滋病联合方案和联合国人权事务高级专员办事处(人权高专办),他们分别支持了OSF参与的七次会外活动。在2018年至2022年期间,人权高专办平均每年从OSF获得10万美元。到2023年,这一数字增加到152万美元。2023年,人权高专办发布了一份关于毒品政策的报告,敦促各国“考虑建立一个合法获取所有受控物质的监管体系”。联合国高级专员最近在一次关于“合理监管毒品”的会议上呼吁“负责任的监管”。这与OSF出资人的观点相呼应,与当前的联合国公约相冲突。十年前,福布斯杂志宣布乔治·索罗斯是美国最大的毒品改革者。这种影响现在看来是真正全球性的,OSF与50多个非政府组织和联合国办事处一起参加了这次CND会议,这些非政府组织和办事处在经济上支持他的智囊团。参加国家禁毒委员会会议的一些资助实体是大学,它们对药物政策进行研究。OSF还资助其他在高影响力科学期刊上发表文章的研究人员。这些机构包括伦敦经济学院的国际毒品政策组、约翰霍普金斯大学的公共卫生和人权中心、埃塞克斯大学的人权和毒品政策国际中心、斯旺西大学的全球毒品政策观察站和药物科学。虽然OSF的资金得到普遍承认,但在接受资金时所固有的冲突却被广泛忽视。作为一个引人注目的例子,《柳叶刀》毒品政策和健康委员会的成立,其明确目标是影响联合国内部关于毒品政策的讨论,并发表在《柳叶刀》杂志上。OSF是唯一的资助者。所有五位被选中的委员会领导都与OSF有联系,他们是OSF的雇员、咨询委员会成员或赠款接受者。该委员会建议毒品合法化。考虑到研究应该澄清事实,当研究经费来自一个有强大议程的实体,并且提出与该议程一致的建议时,就需要更大的透明度。奇怪的是,这种对民间社会倡导和学术产出的总体影响在科学和政策文献中几乎没有受到关注。至少,那些接受OSF资金的人在讨论药物政策时应该声明这是一种利益冲突[13,14]。在学术界和公共卫生领域,似乎有必要承认、反思和更公开地讨论亿万富翁的愿望对毒品政策等问题的影响。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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来源期刊
Addiction
Addiction 医学-精神病学
CiteScore
10.80
自引率
6.70%
发文量
319
审稿时长
3 months
期刊介绍: Addiction publishes peer-reviewed research reports on pharmacological and behavioural addictions, bringing together research conducted within many different disciplines. Its goal is to serve international and interdisciplinary scientific and clinical communication, to strengthen links between science and policy, and to stimulate and enhance the quality of debate. We seek submissions that are not only technically competent but are also original and contain information or ideas of fresh interest to our international readership. We seek to serve low- and middle-income (LAMI) countries as well as more economically developed countries. Addiction’s scope spans human experimental, epidemiological, social science, historical, clinical and policy research relating to addiction, primarily but not exclusively in the areas of psychoactive substance use and/or gambling. In addition to original research, the journal features editorials, commentaries, reviews, letters, and book reviews.
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