Bringing in others in a time of change

IF 0.8 Q3 ANTHROPOLOGY
Katarzyna Puzon
{"title":"Bringing in others in a time of change","authors":"Katarzyna Puzon","doi":"10.1111/muan.12312","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"<p>“This exhibition is for Germans,” Taher<sup>1</sup> said to me and took a drag on his cigarette as we walked to the Museum of European Cultures (MEK) in Berlin's suburbs. He was referring to <i>daHEIM: glances into fugitive lives</i>. Taher, who had fled his war-torn homeland of Syria, was not eager to delve deep into the contents of the exhibition. Familiar with most of it and tired of hearing refugee stories, he remarked though that it was important for Germans to visit the museum and learn about the background and struggles of those who had recently arrived from the Middle East seeking refuge in Germany. He joined the project because he wanted to engage in a creative practice with others when the group KUNSTASYL (Art Shelter) started work on a performance planned for the closing of the exhibition.</p><p>daHEIM was a collaboration between the MEK and KUNSTASYL, which was founded by a Berlin-based artist with the residents of a refugee shelter (<i>Heim</i>) in Berlin-Spandau in 2015. The project started during the 2015 “refugee crisis” that unleashed a surge of participatory initiatives in cultural and heritage institutions in, albeit not only, Germany. Participation served as a label for such practices that aimed at including refugees in these institutions and helping them feel a sense of belonging. This participatory turn built on approaches propelled by critical museology's focus on social justice and the envisioning of museums as spaces to counter discrimination and prejudice. Looking at these developments in museums, which increasingly operate as sites for initiatives with “others” invited to participate in various roles, this commentary shows how “bringing in others” into such institutions can lead to a paradox that reinforces a sense of non-belonging, and draws attention to contradictions in collaborative initiatives with marginalized groups, such as refugees. This essay reflects on who these projects are for, who gets to speak, and who sets the overall framework.</p><p>“How are we going to live together here?” was one of the questions that guided the daHEIM project. It pertained to the events of the “refugee crisis” and the changes in Berlin's social landscape—and in Germany in general, where more than one million people arrived in 2015 and 2016 in search of refuge. In the framework of “Wilkommenskultur” (culture of welcome), accompanied by the slogan “Refugees Welcome,” the statement “<i>wir schaffen das</i>” (“we will manage this”) by then Chancellor Angela Merkel was intended to reflect a welcoming response towards refugees in Germany. It manifested in a large number of initiatives founded to support newcomers. However, there was also a great deal of ambivalence towards these developments, as evidenced by Islamophobic reactions such as weekly rallies of the anti-Islam movement Pegida (Patriotic Europeans against the Islamization of the Occident; in German: <i>Patriotische Europäer gegen die Islamisierung des Abendlandes</i>). The welcoming gestures and practices also varied, and were characterized by solidarity and motivated by “the need to help” (Malkki, <span>2015</span>), with the “needy” embodied in the figure of the refugee.</p><p>From the outset, the German authorities dedicated much support to cultural initiatives, including in museums, that focused on the “refugee crisis” (Macdonald et al., <span>2021</span>). daHEIM fell into this category. It started in spring 2016 and completed in summer 2017. The project included an exhibition on refugee-ness and a series of performances and events that accompanied it. A central idea behind daHEIM, which translates as “at home” or “the home,” was to imagine and create a space by and for those who lost their home and were in the throes of making a new one in Berlin.</p><p>From the MEK's perspective, the museum did this for the refugees by offering them space to speak for themselves, which transpired, for example, in the texts the participants wrote and put on display, the exhibition design as well as regular inputs on their refugee experiences. This approach partly corresponded to what Elinor Ostrom has conceptualized as “co-production,” that is to say, as “a process through which inputs from individuals who are not ‘in’ the same organization are transformed into goods and services” (<span>1996</span>, 1073). The above-cited statement by the museum staff fits Ostrom's co-production model in that it recognises that those who were invited to participate, and not the museum, had the knowledge and experience needed to address the questions of migration and refuge-ness. Nevertheless, this approach also shows that KUNSTASYL did this project “for Germans,” as Taher pointed out, and for the museum, for that matter. The participants co-produced the exhibition, challenging the image of the refugee and presenting the use of this term as potentially harmful by drawing on their negative experiences. daHEIM questioned the narrow framing of refugees who were often depicted as Muslim at the time of the “refugee crisis.” All the same, precisely the subject of Islam brought to the fore inadvertent effects of collaborative initiatives, as I discuss below.</p><p>daHEIM showed that collaboration is as much about the other as it is about the self—in this case also the “institutional self,” at a time when museums face the challenge of reinventing themselves. As Liisa Malkki astutely points out in her ethnography on humanitarianism, doing or making things for others is “a gift of the self to an imagined other, but also a gift to the self” (<span>2015</span>, 10). In daHEIM, the case of Islam illustrates this.</p><p>The project allowed Islam to emerge along the way, and it was, in effect, depicted only in three instances, in texts conceived and written by KUNSTASYL members. One was penned by a participant from Afghanistan who wanted to move to “a country in which no Muslims lived,” and the other two referred to the authors' traumatic experiences with the “Islamic State.” All these depictions were absolutely valid, but they inadvertently reproduced a negative image of Islam.</p><p>daHEIM did what in theory can be considered a good approach, that is, the participants wrote the texts themselves, and the exhibition content and accompanying events were the result of the project's participatory framework in which Islam was not directly addressed. This led to Islam being presented in only three negative instances. The issue lay not lie in the attribution of authority to the participants but rather in insufficient communication. Although the project was, in many ways exemplary in its participatory practice, it missed the opportunity to engage with others in a dialogue premised on open-ended relationality in which all involved partake in communication, through which the meaning flows from interaction (Bachtin, <span>1981</span>). Listening plays a key role in this process, in which an utterance is produced in anticipation of a response—or action. Yet often, “self-preservation,” as Zetterstrom-Sharp and Wingfield (<span>2019</span>, 13) suggest, “disables any real dialogue.” In the case of daHEIM, the group and the museum would need to remain actively engaged, reflecting critically on the depictions of Islam on display, which might have had inadvertent effects—as in light of ongoing Islamophobia. Even if only some participants were Muslim, they were commonly perceived as such in German society, so they were regularly confronted with this issue. If the museum had been involved in active communication on this topic with the participants, they would have not claimed that daHEIM had “nothing to do with Islam.” However, this kind of engagement would have required a refined approach to the participants' experiences as well as the political urgency of the topic in Germany, rather than leaving it up to them to decide (they inevitably discussed this subject in meetings and informal conversations). Entering into an exchange on dominant representations of Islam would have allowed for a discussion on context, while opening up the opportunity for the MEK to engage directly with the subject and dismantle preconceived assumptions about Islam.</p><p>Dialogue combined with action took place in the project when, for example, the MEK and KUNSTASYL managed to resolve a conflict over the use of the museum space, which necessitated working out a solution for all involved—the institution and the project participants, most of whom had never worked in a museum. Such a dialogue could also have been initiated to address the representations of Islam in the exhibition, with the intention not only to challenge the idea that all refugees were Muslim, but also to present the subject of Islam in a nuanced and contextualized manner in a museum that focuses on “European cultures.” The surge in Islamophobia demonstrates how relevant these questions remain.</p><p>Lastly, the daHEIM project reiterated hierarchies that partly resembled “First World salvationalism versus Third World savagery” (Morris, <span>2022</span>), and “the need to help”, which is characteristic of refugee projects, often obscures such hierarchies—ones that already exist and those that emerge along the way. This phenomenon becomes strikingly apparent in institutional contexts and demands close scrutiny, and therefore museums need to exercise the critical reflexivity about the privileges that come with the status they hold. “Self-preservation” and power dynamics, which are often entangled in the collaborative practices of museums exacerbate the sense of not belonging despite these institutions' attempts to include others.</p>","PeriodicalId":43404,"journal":{"name":"Museum Anthropology","volume":"48 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8000,"publicationDate":"2025-03-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/muan.12312","citationCount":"0","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Museum Anthropology","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://anthrosource.onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/muan.12312","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"Q3","JCRName":"ANTHROPOLOGY","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0

Abstract

“This exhibition is for Germans,” Taher1 said to me and took a drag on his cigarette as we walked to the Museum of European Cultures (MEK) in Berlin's suburbs. He was referring to daHEIM: glances into fugitive lives. Taher, who had fled his war-torn homeland of Syria, was not eager to delve deep into the contents of the exhibition. Familiar with most of it and tired of hearing refugee stories, he remarked though that it was important for Germans to visit the museum and learn about the background and struggles of those who had recently arrived from the Middle East seeking refuge in Germany. He joined the project because he wanted to engage in a creative practice with others when the group KUNSTASYL (Art Shelter) started work on a performance planned for the closing of the exhibition.

daHEIM was a collaboration between the MEK and KUNSTASYL, which was founded by a Berlin-based artist with the residents of a refugee shelter (Heim) in Berlin-Spandau in 2015. The project started during the 2015 “refugee crisis” that unleashed a surge of participatory initiatives in cultural and heritage institutions in, albeit not only, Germany. Participation served as a label for such practices that aimed at including refugees in these institutions and helping them feel a sense of belonging. This participatory turn built on approaches propelled by critical museology's focus on social justice and the envisioning of museums as spaces to counter discrimination and prejudice. Looking at these developments in museums, which increasingly operate as sites for initiatives with “others” invited to participate in various roles, this commentary shows how “bringing in others” into such institutions can lead to a paradox that reinforces a sense of non-belonging, and draws attention to contradictions in collaborative initiatives with marginalized groups, such as refugees. This essay reflects on who these projects are for, who gets to speak, and who sets the overall framework.

“How are we going to live together here?” was one of the questions that guided the daHEIM project. It pertained to the events of the “refugee crisis” and the changes in Berlin's social landscape—and in Germany in general, where more than one million people arrived in 2015 and 2016 in search of refuge. In the framework of “Wilkommenskultur” (culture of welcome), accompanied by the slogan “Refugees Welcome,” the statement “wir schaffen das” (“we will manage this”) by then Chancellor Angela Merkel was intended to reflect a welcoming response towards refugees in Germany. It manifested in a large number of initiatives founded to support newcomers. However, there was also a great deal of ambivalence towards these developments, as evidenced by Islamophobic reactions such as weekly rallies of the anti-Islam movement Pegida (Patriotic Europeans against the Islamization of the Occident; in German: Patriotische Europäer gegen die Islamisierung des Abendlandes). The welcoming gestures and practices also varied, and were characterized by solidarity and motivated by “the need to help” (Malkki, 2015), with the “needy” embodied in the figure of the refugee.

From the outset, the German authorities dedicated much support to cultural initiatives, including in museums, that focused on the “refugee crisis” (Macdonald et al., 2021). daHEIM fell into this category. It started in spring 2016 and completed in summer 2017. The project included an exhibition on refugee-ness and a series of performances and events that accompanied it. A central idea behind daHEIM, which translates as “at home” or “the home,” was to imagine and create a space by and for those who lost their home and were in the throes of making a new one in Berlin.

From the MEK's perspective, the museum did this for the refugees by offering them space to speak for themselves, which transpired, for example, in the texts the participants wrote and put on display, the exhibition design as well as regular inputs on their refugee experiences. This approach partly corresponded to what Elinor Ostrom has conceptualized as “co-production,” that is to say, as “a process through which inputs from individuals who are not ‘in’ the same organization are transformed into goods and services” (1996, 1073). The above-cited statement by the museum staff fits Ostrom's co-production model in that it recognises that those who were invited to participate, and not the museum, had the knowledge and experience needed to address the questions of migration and refuge-ness. Nevertheless, this approach also shows that KUNSTASYL did this project “for Germans,” as Taher pointed out, and for the museum, for that matter. The participants co-produced the exhibition, challenging the image of the refugee and presenting the use of this term as potentially harmful by drawing on their negative experiences. daHEIM questioned the narrow framing of refugees who were often depicted as Muslim at the time of the “refugee crisis.” All the same, precisely the subject of Islam brought to the fore inadvertent effects of collaborative initiatives, as I discuss below.

daHEIM showed that collaboration is as much about the other as it is about the self—in this case also the “institutional self,” at a time when museums face the challenge of reinventing themselves. As Liisa Malkki astutely points out in her ethnography on humanitarianism, doing or making things for others is “a gift of the self to an imagined other, but also a gift to the self” (2015, 10). In daHEIM, the case of Islam illustrates this.

The project allowed Islam to emerge along the way, and it was, in effect, depicted only in three instances, in texts conceived and written by KUNSTASYL members. One was penned by a participant from Afghanistan who wanted to move to “a country in which no Muslims lived,” and the other two referred to the authors' traumatic experiences with the “Islamic State.” All these depictions were absolutely valid, but they inadvertently reproduced a negative image of Islam.

daHEIM did what in theory can be considered a good approach, that is, the participants wrote the texts themselves, and the exhibition content and accompanying events were the result of the project's participatory framework in which Islam was not directly addressed. This led to Islam being presented in only three negative instances. The issue lay not lie in the attribution of authority to the participants but rather in insufficient communication. Although the project was, in many ways exemplary in its participatory practice, it missed the opportunity to engage with others in a dialogue premised on open-ended relationality in which all involved partake in communication, through which the meaning flows from interaction (Bachtin, 1981). Listening plays a key role in this process, in which an utterance is produced in anticipation of a response—or action. Yet often, “self-preservation,” as Zetterstrom-Sharp and Wingfield (2019, 13) suggest, “disables any real dialogue.” In the case of daHEIM, the group and the museum would need to remain actively engaged, reflecting critically on the depictions of Islam on display, which might have had inadvertent effects—as in light of ongoing Islamophobia. Even if only some participants were Muslim, they were commonly perceived as such in German society, so they were regularly confronted with this issue. If the museum had been involved in active communication on this topic with the participants, they would have not claimed that daHEIM had “nothing to do with Islam.” However, this kind of engagement would have required a refined approach to the participants' experiences as well as the political urgency of the topic in Germany, rather than leaving it up to them to decide (they inevitably discussed this subject in meetings and informal conversations). Entering into an exchange on dominant representations of Islam would have allowed for a discussion on context, while opening up the opportunity for the MEK to engage directly with the subject and dismantle preconceived assumptions about Islam.

Dialogue combined with action took place in the project when, for example, the MEK and KUNSTASYL managed to resolve a conflict over the use of the museum space, which necessitated working out a solution for all involved—the institution and the project participants, most of whom had never worked in a museum. Such a dialogue could also have been initiated to address the representations of Islam in the exhibition, with the intention not only to challenge the idea that all refugees were Muslim, but also to present the subject of Islam in a nuanced and contextualized manner in a museum that focuses on “European cultures.” The surge in Islamophobia demonstrates how relevant these questions remain.

Lastly, the daHEIM project reiterated hierarchies that partly resembled “First World salvationalism versus Third World savagery” (Morris, 2022), and “the need to help”, which is characteristic of refugee projects, often obscures such hierarchies—ones that already exist and those that emerge along the way. This phenomenon becomes strikingly apparent in institutional contexts and demands close scrutiny, and therefore museums need to exercise the critical reflexivity about the privileges that come with the status they hold. “Self-preservation” and power dynamics, which are often entangled in the collaborative practices of museums exacerbate the sense of not belonging despite these institutions' attempts to include others.

Abstract Image

Abstract Image

在变革的时代引入其他人
“这个展览是为德国人准备的,”塔赫尔对我说,然后吸了一口烟,我们走向柏林郊区的欧洲文化博物馆(MEK)。他指的是达海姆:窥探逃亡者的生活。塔希尔逃离了饱受战争蹂躏的祖国叙利亚,他并不急于深入研究这次展览的内容。他对博物馆的大部分内容都很熟悉,也厌倦了听到难民的故事,但他表示,对德国人来说,参观博物馆,了解那些最近从中东来到德国寻求庇护的人的背景和挣扎是很重要的。他加入这个项目是因为当KUNSTASYL(艺术庇护所)团体开始为展览的闭幕表演做准备时,他想和其他人一起从事创造性的实践。daHEIM是MEK和KUNSTASYL的合作项目,KUNSTASYL由一位柏林艺术家与柏林-斯潘道的难民收容所(Heim)的居民于2015年创立。该项目始于2015年的“难民危机”期间,当时不仅在德国,在文化和遗产机构中引发了参与性倡议的激增。参与是这种旨在将难民纳入这些机构并帮助他们感到归属感的做法的标签。这种参与性转变建立在批判博物馆学对社会正义的关注以及将博物馆视为对抗歧视和偏见的空间的设想所推动的方法之上。看看博物馆的这些发展,它越来越多地作为邀请“他人”参与各种角色的倡议场所,这篇评论显示了“引入他人”如何进入这样的机构会导致一种悖论,这种悖论强化了一种不归属感,并引起了人们对与边缘化群体(如难民)合作倡议中的矛盾的关注。这篇文章反映了这些项目是为谁服务的,谁来发言,谁来设置整体框架。“我们如何在这里共同生活?”是daHEIM项目的指导问题之一。它与“难民危机”事件和柏林社会景观的变化有关,也与整个德国有关,2015年和2016年有超过100万人来到德国寻求庇护。在“欢迎文化”(Wilkommenskultur)的框架下,伴随着“欢迎难民”的口号,当时的总理安格拉·默克尔(Angela Merkel)发表的声明“wir schaffen das”(“我们会处理好这件事”)意在反映对德国难民的欢迎回应。它体现在为支持新来者而建立的大量倡议中。然而,对这些发展也存在着大量的矛盾心理,如反伊斯兰运动Pegida(反对西方伊斯兰化的爱国欧洲人;德语:Patriotische Europäer gegen die Islamisierung des Abendlandes)的每周集会等伊斯兰恐惧症反应就证明了这一点。欢迎的姿态和做法也各不相同,其特点是团结一致,并受到“需要帮助”的激励(Malkki, 2015),“需要帮助”体现在难民的形象中。从一开始,德国当局就大力支持文化活动,包括博物馆,重点关注“难民危机”(Macdonald et al., 2021)。达海姆就属于这一类。该项目于2016年春季开工,2017年夏季完工。该项目包括一个关于难民的展览,以及随之而来的一系列表演和活动。daHEIM被翻译为“在家里”或“家”,其核心理念是为那些失去家园的人创造一个空间,并为他们在柏林创造一个新的家园。从MEK的角度来看,博物馆通过为难民提供为自己说话的空间来做到这一点,例如,参与者撰写和展示的文本,展览设计以及定期输入他们的难民经历。这种方法在一定程度上符合埃莉诺·奥斯特罗姆(Elinor Ostrom)所提出的“共同生产”的概念,也就是说,“一个过程,通过这个过程,来自‘不在’同一组织中的个人的投入转化为商品和服务”(1996,1073)。上述博物馆工作人员的声明符合奥斯特罗姆的合作模式,因为它承认那些被邀请参与的人,而不是博物馆,拥有解决移民和难民问题所需的知识和经验。然而,这种方法也表明,KUNSTASYL“为德国人”做了这个项目,正如塔赫尔指出的那样,也为博物馆做了这个项目。参与者共同制作了这个展览,挑战了难民的形象,并通过借鉴他们的负面经历来展示这个术语的潜在危害。达海姆质疑在“难民危机”时期经常被描述为穆斯林的难民的狭隘框架。
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来源期刊
Museum Anthropology
Museum Anthropology ANTHROPOLOGY-
CiteScore
0.80
自引率
75.00%
发文量
23
期刊介绍: Museum Anthropology seeks to be a leading voice for scholarly research on the collection, interpretation, and representation of the material world. Through critical articles, provocative commentaries, and thoughtful reviews, this peer-reviewed journal aspires to cultivate vibrant dialogues that reflect the global and transdisciplinary work of museums. Situated at the intersection of practice and theory, Museum Anthropology advances our knowledge of the ways in which material objects are intertwined with living histories of cultural display, economics, socio-politics, law, memory, ethics, colonialism, conservation, and public education.
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