Rethinking migration through the lens of social class

Abstract

The study of migration and social class has traditionally belonged to separate fields of research. However, it is difficult to analyse international mobility without considering the social backgrounds of migrants. In mainstream representations, political discourses and media narratives, migrants are often portrayed as unskilled workers associated with precariousness and poverty. Yet, many contemporary migrants come from different social classes. Contrary to the popular portrayal of migrants, migration today is increasingly driven by members of the upper classes—business executives, investors, expatriates and young professionals—seeking better opportunities and a better quality of life abroad (Croucher, 2012). Immigrants are significantly overrepresented among the founders of the most innovative and successful companies within the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD). In almost all OECD countries, the share of immigrants among entrepreneurs exceeds the share of immigrants in the general workforce, and this gap is widening (OECD, 2024). Recent immigrants tend to be better educated than native populations: 50% of immigrants in the OECD had a tertiary degree in 2020, and in 2021, more than one-third of recent arrivals in the EU held highly skilled professions, compared to just over one-fifth in 2011 (OECD, 2023). A U-shaped curve emerges when examining the social positions of migrants, showing an over-representation of both working class and, increasingly, upper-class groups.

Considering the social class of migrants opens up new perspectives on the phenomenon of migration. The experiences of the upper classes show that the categories typically used to analyse immigration are not universally applicable in all social contexts. The very terms “immigrant” or “migrant” carry an implicit connotation of social disadvantage, referring to a class position rather than a migratory situation. Upper-class individuals living abroad are rarely referred to as migrants but rather as expatriates, international managers or mobile professionals. This distinction based on social class is also reflected in migration policies (Chauvin & Bonjour, 2018). In many wealthy countries, as barriers to entry for poorer migrants have been tightened, policies have been designed to attract foreign investors and, more generally, those perceived to be “talented”. Mechanisms such as the Australian and Canadian point systems, the German Blue Card, the Dutch Highly Skilled Migrant Program, the French Talent Passport and the European Union Blue Card create exceptions for foreigners deemed desirable. Policymakers justify these measures by referring to a global market for elites, in which countries must cultivate comparative advantages to attract “high potentials”. In addition to legal, fiscal and administrative measures that favour expatriates, these countries offer settlement assistance. Specialized relocation agencies facilitate various aspects of settlement, such as finding housing, enrolling children in schools and helping expatriates avoid “culture shock” (Sandoz, 2019). In contrast, for migrants from less privileged backgrounds, the administrative procedures involved in settling in a new country are often obstacles that exacerbate the disorientation caused by immigration.

Upper-class migrants are also not subject to the same integration expectations as ordinary migrants. Immigrants are typically urged to adopt the language and customs of the new country, avoid isolation in ethnically homogeneous communities and show gratitude for the opportunity to live in the host country (Favell, 2022). These demands would seem out of place for upper-class families living abroad, who often have the infrastructure and networks to remain among themselves. They can teach their children their language and culture through international schools, live in exclusive international neighbourhoods and criticize the laws or customs of their host country, with the legitimacy of their international experience and perspective. Upper-class migrants may see their stay abroad as an opportunity to experience and assimilate new cultures; their clubs and networks integrate nationals who share their lifestyle and values. However, they do not consider giving up their multiple cultural and linguistic references; they do not intend to acculturate to a single culture.

Economic resources, education, and social and occupational status determine the objective conditions under which migrations take place. Social class also plays a crucial role in understanding the social value of geographic mobility. Characteristics that might be considered suspect or stigmatizing in working-class communities—such as coming from a family that has lived in several countries, speaking several languages or having international connections—are assets in the upper classes. For the latter, migration is an opportunity to accumulate international linguistic, cultural and symbolic resources that can be valued professionally and socially (Wagner, 2020).

The relationship between migration and social class is reciprocal: integrating migration into the analysis of social hierarchies offers new insights into the dynamics of social domination. Among the elites, international mobility has given rise to new forms of transnational capitalism. Individuals from different countries often attend the same prestigious universities, share similar cultural backgrounds and professional practices and form a transnational capitalist class (Sklair, 2001). Conversely, working-class migration tends to contribute to the fragmentation, division and competition with the local working class that are deeply embedded in capitalist class relations.

However, it is crucial to avoid a binary view of migration. Migration can also lead to social downgrading, especially for nationals from poorer countries. About one-third of highly educated migrants experience downward mobility in the labour market (OECD, 2023). Students from upper-class families in southern countries who enrol in elite American or British universities often face professional setbacks because of their national origins or racial characteristics. In this context, class affiliation cannot be understood independently of migration status, even among the middle and upper classes (Lillie, 2021). Moreover, between elites and poor migrants, there is an expansion of middle classes with upward mobility aspirations.

The dialogue between migration studies and social class studies allows us to move away from static models of social hierarchies by considering both geographic and social movements. Under what conditions does geographic mobility facilitate upward social mobility? When does it contribute to social decline? This approach revitalizes the study of social mobility by emphasizing the need to capture the positions that migrants occupy within multiple national contexts, given the diversity of social nomenclatures and prestige scales (Bidet et al., 2023). Migrants are socially positioned in relation to two countries: what is an asset in one society may lose its value in another. Which resources circulate from one national space to another, and which ones lose their value? Under what conditions can assets accumulated through migration be reinvested in the country of origin to improve one's social position?

Migrants may be downgraded in the host country but experience improvements in their material situation and social status in their country of origin. The double positioning of migrants—between the space of emigration and that of immigration—requires us to resist one-sided conclusions about their social mobility and to reconsider the principles of social hierarchization.

By looking at migration through the lens of social class, we challenge a number of taken-for-granted assumptions. The situation of elites calls into question the very conceptualization of the term “migrant”, which is implicitly shaped by social class. This analysis encourages the development of a new approach to international migration, one that is attentive to the reproduction of social inequalities within migration processes and offers valuable insights into the broader dynamics of social stratification.