Comment on “Recent Developments in Indian Central Banking: Flying through Turbulence but Aided by Some Tailwinds”

IF 4.5 3区 经济学 Q1 ECONOMICS
Viral V. Acharya
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引用次数: 0

Abstract

My comments on Ray and Mohan (2025) are focused on three aspects.

First, while India's recovery since COVID has been especially noteworthy in 2023–24, it has been a “K-shaped” recovery nevertheless. Depending on which part of India one talks about, it is either booming (urban and formal sector) or it still remains scarred from the pandemic (rural and informal sector). Since the pandemic, an operating profit-to-sales gap has opened up widely between large firms (+1.5%) versus small firms (−0.5%). While large manufacturing firms have been able to retain their size, small manufacturing firms have contracted by 14%. Small firms and establishments are important in India as they contribute to over 40% of overall labor in India. Separately, 40% of labor in India is also in agriculture. Both small firms and agriculture tend to have a greater presence in rural India. Hence, while wages in urban India have remained elevated far in excess of the inflation rate, rural wages even if increasing nominally have been outpaced by inflation for most of 2022. This fall in real rural wages has interacted with other shocks to weather and commodity prices to create a weak rural, informal, small-firm economy.

Given these observations, the stability of consumer price inflation in India at 6% over the past 4 years, 2% above the mandated 4% target for the Monetary Policy Committee in India, must be viewed in light of the cumulative erosion of the purchasing power of those that have experienced negative real wage growth. In sum, it would be good for Ray and Mohan to touch upon the issue of real wage growth in India, its distribution, its likely effect on consumption, and what inflation and monetary policy has done or can do about it in the challenging years since COVID. Indeed, has monetary policy contributed to the K-shape of the recovery in the first place?

Second, a range of initiatives has been undertaken by the Reserve Bank of India (RBI) since 2017 to resolve the nonperforming assets (NPAs) of the Indian banking system, capitalizing on the Insolvency and Bankruptcy Code (IBC). These have now come to fruition in that gross and net NPAs of scheduled commercial banks were down in September 2022 to 5% and 1.3%, respectively, from peaks of 11.2% and 6.1% in 2018. Nevertheless, there are critical views of the IBC that stem from the facts that: (i) debt in India continues to perform closer to equity, recovering only 39% for resolutions under the IBC, which makes recoveries for bank loans in India virtually half of the global average; (ii) the average time to resolution since the filing of a case has been 561 days, about twice what was originally envisaged; and (iii) a phenomenal 45% of the cases under the IBC get liquidated. The contrasting salubrious view of the IBC arises from the observations that: (i) as a result of the banking sector clean-up, capacity utilization of distressed sectors has improved and overall risen to close to 75% at present from a low 60% prior to 2017, when there was an over-supply of zombie firms in these sectors; and, (ii) fresh slippages into nonperforming loans has declined due to an important deterrence effect of the IBC, whereby the loss of control for business owners and individual promoters has led to a de-leveraging of the Indian corporate sector, with debt to GDP of the corporate sector having declined over a decade from 78% to 50%.

Therefore, I agree with the authors that institutional reforms can play a crucial role in improving the effectiveness of monetary policy. Can this be substantiated further, for example, by looking at the pass-through of monetary policy via deposit and lending rates?

Third, historically, India's micro, small, and medium-sized enterprises (MSMEs) have struggled to receive formal financing, with only 0.6 million out of 64 million receiving such credit. While the financial system has been creative via micro-finance to get some of the others access to credit, it has been estimated that there remains a formal financing gap of over $US 3.5trillion when it comes to MSME credit. However, the situation is changing on the ground on the back of “India Stack”. This is an important structural reform of the Indian real economy and the financial sector.

What are the exact implications of this digital plumbing of India and enabling of better credit access to MSMEs for inflation and growth? Some estimates that shed light on these implications would have added to the richness of Ray and Mohan (2025).

评论 "印度中央银行的近期发展:在动荡中飞行,但也有一些顺风"
我对Ray和Mohan(2025)的评论主要集中在三个方面。首先,尽管印度自2019冠状病毒病以来的复苏在2023-24年尤为引人注目,但它仍然是“k型”复苏。根据我们谈论的印度的哪个部分,它要么正在蓬勃发展(城市和正规部门),要么仍然受到疫情的影响(农村和非正规部门)。自疫情以来,大公司(+1.5%)与小公司(- 0.5%)之间的营业利润与销售额差距已经扩大。虽然大型制造企业能够保持其规模,但小型制造企业却收缩了14%。小公司和机构在印度很重要,因为它们贡献了印度40%以上的劳动力。另外,印度40%的劳动力也从事农业。小公司和农业都倾向于在印度农村占有更大的份额。因此,尽管印度城市的工资水平仍远高于通胀率,但在2022年的大部分时间里,农村的工资水平,即使名义上的增长,也赶不上通胀率。农村实际工资的下降与天气和商品价格的其他冲击相互作用,造成了农村、非正式、小企业经济的疲软。鉴于这些观察结果,印度消费者价格通胀在过去4年里稳定在6%,比印度货币政策委员会规定的4%的目标高出2%,必须根据那些经历过实际工资负增长的人的购买力的累积侵蚀来看待。总而言之,雷和莫汉最好探讨一下印度的实际工资增长、工资分配、对消费的可能影响,以及在新冠疫情以来充满挑战的几年里,通胀和货币政策已经或能够做些什么。事实上,货币政策在一开始就对k型复苏有所贡献吗?其次,自2017年以来,印度储备银行(RBI)采取了一系列举措,利用《破产和破产法》(IBC)解决印度银行体系的不良资产(NPAs)。2022年9月,定期商业银行的不良资产总额和净不良资产净值分别从2018年的11.2%和6.1%的峰值降至5%和1.3%。然而,对IBC的批评源于以下事实:(i)印度的债务继续表现得更接近股本,在IBC下的决议中仅恢复39%,这使得印度的银行贷款回收率几乎是全球平均水平的一半;(ii)从立案到解决的平均时间为561天,大约是最初设想的两倍;(iii)在IBC下,惊人的45%的案件被清算。IBC的对比有益观点源于以下观察:(i)由于银行业清理,陷入困境的行业的产能利用率有所改善,目前总体上从2017年之前的60%的低点上升到接近75%,当时这些行业的僵尸公司供应过剩;(ii)由于IBC的重要威慑作用,新的不良贷款下降,企业主和个人发起人失去控制权导致印度企业部门去杠杆化,企业部门的债务占GDP的比例在十年内从78%下降到50%。因此,我同意作者的观点,即制度改革可以在提高货币政策有效性方面发挥至关重要的作用。例如,通过观察货币政策通过存贷款利率的传导,能否进一步证实这一点?第三,从历史上看,印度的微型、小型和中型企业(MSMEs)一直难以获得正式融资,在6400万家企业中,只有60万家获得了此类信贷。尽管金融体系创造性地通过小额信贷让其他一些人获得信贷,但据估计,在中小微企业信贷方面,仍然存在超过3.5万亿美元的正式融资缺口。然而,“印度堆栈”背后的情况正在发生变化。这是印度实体经济和金融领域的重要结构性改革。印度的这种数字管道,以及为中小微企业提供更好的信贷渠道,对通胀和增长的确切影响是什么?一些能够阐明这些含义的估计会增加Ray和Mohan(2025)的丰富性。
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来源期刊
CiteScore
12.90
自引率
2.60%
发文量
39
期刊介绍: The goal of the Asian Economic Policy Review is to become an intellectual voice on the current issues of international economics and economic policy, based on comprehensive and in-depth analyses, with a primary focus on Asia. Emphasis is placed on identifying key issues at the time - spanning international trade, international finance, the environment, energy, the integration of regional economies and other issues - in order to furnish ideas and proposals to contribute positively to the policy debate in the region.
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