Im Medienlabor der US-amerikanischen Industrieforschung: Die gemeinsamen Wurzeln von Massenmedien und Bürokratie 1870–1950 [In the media laboratory of US-American industrial research: The common roots of mass media and bureaucracy 1870–1950] by Nadine Taha (review)
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Bielefeld: Transcript, 2022. Pp. 319. <p>In <em>Im Medienlabor der US-amerikanischen Industrieforschung</em>, based on her dissertation, Nadine Taha approaches American industrial research labs from a media studies perspective. In six case studies, partly based on the archives of DuPont, General Electric, and Kodak, the author aims to identify the common roots of mass and telecommunication media and the media of modern bureaucracies. The first technologies that spring to mind are the telegraph, the telephone, and the typewriter. Although all these technologies receive a mention, the six case studies refer to much less apparent technologies, including the paper-based roll film that simplified photography (ch. 2), a photographic sound recording and playback device called pallophotophone (ch. 5), a thirteen-month calendar (ch. 6), as well as cloud photography (ch. 7). Even if some of these technologies—most notably photography—fall into the mass media and bureaucratic technology category, this common feature is much less evident than for the technologies mentioned above. Taha tries to overcome this shortcoming by addressing the shared history of these media inventions and the technologies of bureaucracy (ch. 3). Here, the author refers to the control revolution (Beninger, <em>The Control Revolution</em>, 1989) and the rise of modern management (Chandler, <em>The Visible Hand</em>, 1977) as shared drivers of mass media and bureaucratic technologies. However, I read chapter 3 as if the author is more concerned with the bureaucratization of innovation in the form of industrial research departments than with the common roots of mass media and bureaucratic technologies. The idea that the bureaucratization of the innovation process can be traced back to the control revolution, the managerial revolution, and a more competitive market environment during the Progressive Era is a stimulating thought that could have been investigated more systematically.</p> <p>For Taha, the similarities between mass and bureaucratic media are also characterized by dual-use cases. An example of this is General Electric’s pallophotophone, which was aimed at the film industry and radio broadcasting but, in the end, failed in the market. However, the innovation was used in the company’s research department for a long time to produce internal film material. But it only makes sense to speak of a dual-use case if one recognizes the research departments of industrial companies as being primarily bureaucracies.</p> <p>It is also confusing that Taha sees patents primarily as bureaucratic and communication media, not as contracts or strategic tools for innovative <strong>[End Page 1052]</strong> individuals and companies to gain a better market position. Nevertheless, the case study on patents (ch. 4) is interesting because it explains the replacement of individual inventors from the 1870s onward by professional inventors employed by the research departments of large companies with the gradual abolition of physical patent models in the 1870s. This is an interesting proposition that is worth examining empirically.</p> <p>On the other hand, in chapters 2 through 4, Taha does not consider the rich literature on patents and innovation in the United States that economic history has produced. For example, over ten years ago, economic historians, using extensive patent data sets, pointed to the rise of corporate inventors from the 1880s onward and conducted intensive research into the professionalization of inventors and the emergence of a market for innovations (Nicholas, “The Role of Independent Invention in U.S. Technological Development, 1880–1930,” 2010; Khan and Sokoloff, “‘Schemes of Practical Utility,’” 1993). Researchers are also well aware that companies have tried to maximize the limits of the statutory requirements for patent descriptions to protect their innovation from competitors. Economic historians can furthermore show that the depth of the disclosure of information on the same innovation depended on the respective patent system (Sáiz and Amengual, “Do Patents Enable Disclosure?,” 2018). 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Abstract
Reviewed by:
Im Medienlabor der US-amerikanischen Industrieforschung: Die gemeinsamen Wurzeln von Massenmedien und Bürokratie 1870–1950 [In the media laboratory of US-American industrial research: The common roots of mass media and bureaucracy 1870–1950] by Nadine Taha
Felix Selgert (bio)
Im Medienlabor der US-amerikanischen Industrieforschung: Die gemeinsamen Wurzeln von Massenmedien und Bürokratie 1870–1950 [In the media laboratory of US-American industrial research: The common roots of mass media and bureaucracy 1870–1950] By Nadine Taha. Bielefeld: Transcript, 2022. Pp. 319.
In Im Medienlabor der US-amerikanischen Industrieforschung, based on her dissertation, Nadine Taha approaches American industrial research labs from a media studies perspective. In six case studies, partly based on the archives of DuPont, General Electric, and Kodak, the author aims to identify the common roots of mass and telecommunication media and the media of modern bureaucracies. The first technologies that spring to mind are the telegraph, the telephone, and the typewriter. Although all these technologies receive a mention, the six case studies refer to much less apparent technologies, including the paper-based roll film that simplified photography (ch. 2), a photographic sound recording and playback device called pallophotophone (ch. 5), a thirteen-month calendar (ch. 6), as well as cloud photography (ch. 7). Even if some of these technologies—most notably photography—fall into the mass media and bureaucratic technology category, this common feature is much less evident than for the technologies mentioned above. Taha tries to overcome this shortcoming by addressing the shared history of these media inventions and the technologies of bureaucracy (ch. 3). Here, the author refers to the control revolution (Beninger, The Control Revolution, 1989) and the rise of modern management (Chandler, The Visible Hand, 1977) as shared drivers of mass media and bureaucratic technologies. However, I read chapter 3 as if the author is more concerned with the bureaucratization of innovation in the form of industrial research departments than with the common roots of mass media and bureaucratic technologies. The idea that the bureaucratization of the innovation process can be traced back to the control revolution, the managerial revolution, and a more competitive market environment during the Progressive Era is a stimulating thought that could have been investigated more systematically.
For Taha, the similarities between mass and bureaucratic media are also characterized by dual-use cases. An example of this is General Electric’s pallophotophone, which was aimed at the film industry and radio broadcasting but, in the end, failed in the market. However, the innovation was used in the company’s research department for a long time to produce internal film material. But it only makes sense to speak of a dual-use case if one recognizes the research departments of industrial companies as being primarily bureaucracies.
It is also confusing that Taha sees patents primarily as bureaucratic and communication media, not as contracts or strategic tools for innovative [End Page 1052] individuals and companies to gain a better market position. Nevertheless, the case study on patents (ch. 4) is interesting because it explains the replacement of individual inventors from the 1870s onward by professional inventors employed by the research departments of large companies with the gradual abolition of physical patent models in the 1870s. This is an interesting proposition that is worth examining empirically.
On the other hand, in chapters 2 through 4, Taha does not consider the rich literature on patents and innovation in the United States that economic history has produced. For example, over ten years ago, economic historians, using extensive patent data sets, pointed to the rise of corporate inventors from the 1880s onward and conducted intensive research into the professionalization of inventors and the emergence of a market for innovations (Nicholas, “The Role of Independent Invention in U.S. Technological Development, 1880–1930,” 2010; Khan and Sokoloff, “‘Schemes of Practical Utility,’” 1993). Researchers are also well aware that companies have tried to maximize the limits of the statutory requirements for patent descriptions to protect their innovation from competitors. Economic historians can furthermore show that the depth of the disclosure of information on the same innovation depended on the respective patent system (Sáiz and Amengual, “Do Patents Enable Disclosure?,” 2018). From a...
Im Medienlabor der US-amerikanischen Industrieforschung: Die gemeinsame Wurzeln von Massenmedien und Bürokratie 1870-1950 [In the media laboratory of US-American industrial research: The common roots of mass media and bureaucracy 1870-1950] by Nadine Taha (review)
评论者 Im Medienlabor der US-amerikanischen Industrieforschung:Die gemeinsamen Wurzeln von Massenmedien und Bürokratie 1870-1950 [In the media laboratory der US-amerikanischen Industrieforschung:Nadine Taha Felix Selgert (bio) Im Medienlabor der US-amerikanischen Industrieforschung:Die gemeinsamen Wurzeln von Massenmedien und Bürokratie 1870-1950 [In the media laboratory der US-amerikanischen Industrieforschung:1870-1950年大众传媒与官僚机构的共同根源]纳丁-塔哈著。Bielefeld: Transcript, 2022.Pp.319.在《Im Medienlabor der US-amerikanischen Industrieforschung》一书中,纳丁-塔哈根据自己的学位论文,从媒体研究的角度探讨了美国的工业研究实验室。通过六个案例研究(部分基于杜邦公司、通用电气公司和柯达公司的档案),作者旨在找出大众和电信媒体与现代官僚机构媒体的共同根源。人们首先想到的技术是电报、电话和打字机。虽然所有这些技术都有提及,但六个案例研究还提到了一些不那么显眼的技术,包括简化了摄影的纸质卷筒胶卷(第 2 章)、被称为 pallophotophone 的摄影声音记录和播放设备(第 5 章)、13 个月的日历(第 6 章)以及云摄影(第 7 章)。即使其中一些技术--最明显的是摄影--属于大众传媒和官僚技术范畴,但这一共同特征远不如上述技术明显。塔哈试图通过探讨这些媒体发明与官僚技术的共同历史来克服这一缺陷(第 3 章)。在这里,作者提到了控制革命(Beninger,《控制革命》,1989 年)和现代管理的兴起(Chandler,《看得见的手》,1977 年),认为它们是大众传媒和官僚技术的共同驱动力。然而,我在阅读第 3 章时,感觉作者更关注的是以工业研究部门为形式的创新官僚化,而不是大众传媒和官僚技术的共同根源。创新过程的官僚化可以追溯到控制革命、管理革命以及进步时代更具竞争性的市场环境,这一观点很有启发性,本可以进行更系统的研究。在塔哈看来,大众媒体与官僚媒体的相似之处还体现在双重用途的案例上。这方面的一个例子是通用电气公司(General Electric)的苍白式留声机(pallophotophone),它的目标是电影业和无线电广播,但最终在市场上失败了。不过,这项创新在该公司的研究部门却长期用于生产内部胶片材料。但是,只有当人们认识到工业公司的研究部门主要是官僚机构时,谈论双重用途才有意义。同样令人困惑的是,塔哈认为专利主要是官僚机构和交流媒介,而不是创新 [完 1052 页] 个人和公司获得更好市场地位的契约或战略工具。不过,关于专利的案例研究(第 4 章)还是很有意思的,因为它解释了从 19 世纪 70 年代起,随着实物专利模型的逐渐废除,大公司研究部门聘用的专业发明家取代了个人发明家。这是一个有趣的命题,值得进行实证研究。另一方面,在第 2 章至第 4 章中,塔哈没有考虑到经济史上产生的有关美国专利和创新的丰富文献。例如,十多年前,经济史学家利用大量专利数据集指出,从 19 世纪 80 年代起,企业发明家开始崛起,并对发明家的职业化和创新市场的出现进行了深入研究(尼古拉斯,《独立发明在美国技术发展中的作用,1880-1930 年》,2010 年;汗和索科洛夫,《实用计划》,1993 年)。研究人员也清楚地意识到,企业一直试图最大限度地利用专利说明的法定要求来保护自己的创新不受竞争对手的侵害。经济史学家们还可以进一步证明,同一创新的信息披露深度取决于各自的专利制度(Sáiz 和 Amengual,"专利使信息披露成为可能吗?)从...
期刊介绍:
Technology and Culture, the preeminent journal of the history of technology, draws on scholarship in diverse disciplines to publish insightful pieces intended for general readers as well as specialists. Subscribers include scientists, engineers, anthropologists, sociologists, economists, museum curators, archivists, scholars, librarians, educators, historians, and many others. In addition to scholarly essays, each issue features 30-40 book reviews and reviews of new museum exhibitions. To illuminate important debates and draw attention to specific topics, the journal occasionally publishes thematic issues. Technology and Culture is the official journal of the Society for the History of Technology (SHOT).