Political economy of class, caste and gender: A study of rural Dalit labourers in India, By Ishita Mehrotra. : Routledge. 2022. pp. 224. £104.00 (hbk). ISBN: 9780367336233

IF 2.4 2区 经济学 Q2 DEVELOPMENT STUDIES
Komal Chauhan
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While socio-cultural explorations of Dalit women's lives are not uncommon (e.g., Jassal, <span>2012</span>; Narayan, <span>2006</span>), an analysis incorporating a political economy perspective, especially regarding their role and interaction within the agrarian economy, is exceedingly rare. Mehrotra addresses this lacuna with acumen, offering a sophisticated analysis of the distinct impacts of capitalist forces on women. Her work underscores the imperative of examining Dalit female labourers as ‘economic beings’ in their own right, highlighting the necessity of analysing their experiences independently, rather than merely in relation to men.</p><p>Mehrotra's book employs a village study methodology to elucidate labour relations and social dynamics within three distinct villages in Eastern Uttar Pradesh. In the introductory chapter, Mehrotra articulates her deliberate choice to utilise a political economy framework over a feminist lens. This decision is pivotal, as it provides a foundational perspective for the arguments made throughout the book and highlights how such a framework is better suited to explicate the structural constraints impeding women's socio-economic empowerment. Chapter 2 offers an exhaustive literature review on pertinent topics such as the agrarian question of capital and labour, neoliberal agrarian capitalism, and peasant differentiation. Here, Mehrotra extends Bernstein's theoretical framework to dissect the nature and consequences of contemporary neoliberal capitalist globalisation, particularly its influence on traditional class structures. A key theme of the book is Bernstein's concept of ‘classes of labour’ which is instrumental in comprehending the plight of petty commodity producers struggling for survival within the labour market. Mehrotra delves into how these labour classes engage in a range of activities, including irregular and exploitative wage labour, self-employment and other value-adding labour tasks, in conjunction with small-scale farming. This multifaceted approach yields insights into the high mobility, fragmentation and diverse experiences prevalent within the divisions of labour. Moreover, it facilitates an exploration of how class relations are intricately interwoven with non-class identities such as caste and gender. In this context, the book examines how these social categories distinctly shape the labour and life experiences of Dalit women. It offers a critical analysis of the gendered division of labour, focusing on the visibility and mobility of women, and the socio-economic and cultural barriers they encounter. Mehrotra contends that while the gendered division of labour is a commonality across caste lines, its manifestations vary significantly among different social groups. She posits that women from scheduled castes are often viewed as more productive and less confined by repressive traditions compared to their upper-caste counterparts.</p><p>In Chapter 3, Mehrotra delves deeply into the complex dynamics of village labour markets, with a particular focus on the segregation influenced by class, caste, and gender. This section of the book offers an in-depth and nuanced portrayal of the occupational hierarchy in rural areas, accentuating the pronounced disparities and social stratifications inherent within these communities. The chapter commences with an introduction to the fieldwork villages situated in Kushinagar, a northeastern district in Uttar Pradesh. Through a combination of fieldwork observations and data gleaned from government publications, Mehrotra successfully renders a vivid depiction of the region's agrarian economy. A substantial portion of the chapter is dedicated to dissecting the occupational hierarchy, particularly emphasising caste and gender dimensions. Mehrotra observes that the upper tiers of this hierarchy are predominantly occupied by higher caste-classes who have diversified beyond agriculture and secured access to state resources, whether directly or indirectly. In stark contrast, the lower spectrum of the hierarchy is populated by individuals engaged in labour-intensive and often stigmatised occupations, such as agricultural and casual labour, brick kiln work, and marginal self-employment. These roles are frequently synonymous with exploitative conditions, indebtedness and various forms of unfree labour. The chapter particularly emphasises the predominant concentration of Dalit women at the bottom of the village labour market, a phenomenon attributable to their limited mobility. This observation is vital as it underscores the intersectionality of class, caste and gender, and how these elements collectively shape labour market dynamics. Another significant aspect discussed in this chapter is the role of land ownership and its consequential social implications within these villages. Landholdings, primarily in the hands of Rajputs, serve as a means of wielding both economic and social power, further entrenching the existing social hierarchies.</p><p>Chapter 4 intricately examines labour relations, wage structures and the socio-economic factors that define the lives of rural Dalit women labourers. It is argued that the confinement of Dalit women labourers within village boundaries, coupled with their limited freedom, significantly contributes to enabling men to pursue more lucrative employment opportunities. Deeply rooted in patriarchy, these entrenched identities and traditional norms are strategically leveraged and manipulated to facilitate contemporary capitalist accumulation, predominantly under male ownership and control. The phenomenon of male migration, as discussed in the chapter, results in women increasingly becoming entangled in situations characterised by unfree labour relations. Such arrangements, while sometimes voluntarily entered into due to their provision of a form of insurance or safety net, simultaneously contribute to perpetuating divisions among labourers, thereby reinforcing male capitalist dominance. The chapter further explores the gendered division of labour in agriculture, observing that women are often assigned the least remunerative tasks such as sowing and weeding. This division, while ostensibly justified by physical differences between genders, also serves to fortify patriarchal power structures. Mehrotra contends that this sexual division of labour is not a consequence of women's inability to perform other tasks but is a calculated strategy to maintain male dominance both within the household and in the broader social framework.</p><p>An important contribution of the book is its insights into intra-labour relations in Chapter 4. The book reveals considerable disparities among labourers based on caste, socio-economic status, neighbourhood, and personal networks. However, there also exists a sense of solidarity among them, particularly in times of personal crises or in opposition to common adversaries such as upper-caste employers. The case of the Mosahars is highlighted, a group that demonstrates a strong sense of labour unity, bolstered by their significant socio-economic homogeneity. This unity among Mosahars stands as a testament to the complex interplay of socio-economic and caste-based factors in shaping labour relations within rural India.</p><p>Chapter 5 offers an insightful exploration into the political consciousness and activism of Dalit labourers, particularly women. This chapter delves into the dynamics of labour struggles, the role of non-state actors in facilitating Dalit empowerment and the pragmatic approaches adopted by Dalit women in their quest for better living conditions. The chapter begins by highlighting the unique case of the Mosahars, a Dalit sub-caste, whose labour struggles and political activism have been notably different from other Dalit groups in the area. Mehrotra attributes this difference to the intervention of an NGO, which worked extensively with the Mosahar community, raising their awareness about their rights and facilitating their engagement with local bureaucracies. The author discusses the limitations of such activism, noting that it often does not incorporate other Dalit groups and tends to be localised in nature. The chapter also touches upon the envy and antagonism that the Mosahars' relative success in activism has generated among other Dalit groups, highlighting the complexities of intra-community dynamics and the limited scope of labour struggles, which are often restricted to the hamlet level and influenced by specific social, economic, and political contexts. A significant portion of the chapter is dedicated to examining the political consciousness and agency of Dalit women labourers. Mehrotra notes that while these women are conscious of their rights and the bases of their exploitation, they often adopt pragmatic and canny approaches to ‘work the system’ through negotiations and ‘weapons of the weak’. This is indicative of the fact that Dalit women's understanding of politics is largely confined to the local level, and their political actions are driven more by practical considerations than ideological commitments. This approach, while limited in its ability to challenge the capitalist agrarian structures fundamentally, has led to intermittent and limited successes in improving their conditions. Mehrotra notes that the struggles of Dalit women, while symbolic, do not lead to substantive material improvements in the work and living conditions of Dalit labourers.</p><p>Mehrotra's book delves into the labour relations of Dalit women, with a particular emphasis on how these relations are shaped by debt, especially debt owed to upper-caste employers who also function as moneylenders. This specific focus on debt from upper-caste sources highlights the perpetuation of unfree labour relations. However, a more comprehensive exploration of the various sources of credit and the social and material dimensions of debt would further enrich the analysis (Guérin &amp; Venkatasubramanian, <span>2022</span>). While the book acknowledges the influence of debt on caste and labour dynamics, it does not extensively investigate the multifaceted interactions of debts from diverse sources, which is a prominent feature in many studies of rural India. My research in Western Uttar Pradesh illustrates that Dalit households are often ensnared in a complex web of debt encompassing multiple sources. It is common for these households to use cash advances from brick kilns to settle high-interest loans from Rajputs, or vice versa. This intricate interplay of debts from different sources results in a closely knit connection among the various jobs these labourers undertake, as their employers frequently double as their moneylenders.</p><p>Additionally, the empirical data underpinning Mehrotra's book dates back to 2010 and thus does not incorporate more recent developments in credit systems. In the years following, there has been a notable infiltration of neoliberal sources of credit, such as microfinance companies, into the Indian countryside. This new wave of credit has significantly altered caste and labour relations, a dynamic that warrants further exploration in the context of the book's theme. 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引用次数: 0

Abstract

Mehrotra's monograph, ‘Political economy of class, caste, and gender: A study of rural Dalit labourers in India’, provides an insightful ethnographic examination of the intricate interplay in labour relations among rural Dalit women in Eastern Uttar Pradesh, India. Her scholarly contribution is notably significant, particularly in the context of extensive research focusing on the feminisation of agriculture (Pattnaik et al., 2018) and the escalating commodification of female labour. Investigations specifically centred on rural Dalit female labourers remain scarce. While socio-cultural explorations of Dalit women's lives are not uncommon (e.g., Jassal, 2012; Narayan, 2006), an analysis incorporating a political economy perspective, especially regarding their role and interaction within the agrarian economy, is exceedingly rare. Mehrotra addresses this lacuna with acumen, offering a sophisticated analysis of the distinct impacts of capitalist forces on women. Her work underscores the imperative of examining Dalit female labourers as ‘economic beings’ in their own right, highlighting the necessity of analysing their experiences independently, rather than merely in relation to men.

Mehrotra's book employs a village study methodology to elucidate labour relations and social dynamics within three distinct villages in Eastern Uttar Pradesh. In the introductory chapter, Mehrotra articulates her deliberate choice to utilise a political economy framework over a feminist lens. This decision is pivotal, as it provides a foundational perspective for the arguments made throughout the book and highlights how such a framework is better suited to explicate the structural constraints impeding women's socio-economic empowerment. Chapter 2 offers an exhaustive literature review on pertinent topics such as the agrarian question of capital and labour, neoliberal agrarian capitalism, and peasant differentiation. Here, Mehrotra extends Bernstein's theoretical framework to dissect the nature and consequences of contemporary neoliberal capitalist globalisation, particularly its influence on traditional class structures. A key theme of the book is Bernstein's concept of ‘classes of labour’ which is instrumental in comprehending the plight of petty commodity producers struggling for survival within the labour market. Mehrotra delves into how these labour classes engage in a range of activities, including irregular and exploitative wage labour, self-employment and other value-adding labour tasks, in conjunction with small-scale farming. This multifaceted approach yields insights into the high mobility, fragmentation and diverse experiences prevalent within the divisions of labour. Moreover, it facilitates an exploration of how class relations are intricately interwoven with non-class identities such as caste and gender. In this context, the book examines how these social categories distinctly shape the labour and life experiences of Dalit women. It offers a critical analysis of the gendered division of labour, focusing on the visibility and mobility of women, and the socio-economic and cultural barriers they encounter. Mehrotra contends that while the gendered division of labour is a commonality across caste lines, its manifestations vary significantly among different social groups. She posits that women from scheduled castes are often viewed as more productive and less confined by repressive traditions compared to their upper-caste counterparts.

In Chapter 3, Mehrotra delves deeply into the complex dynamics of village labour markets, with a particular focus on the segregation influenced by class, caste, and gender. This section of the book offers an in-depth and nuanced portrayal of the occupational hierarchy in rural areas, accentuating the pronounced disparities and social stratifications inherent within these communities. The chapter commences with an introduction to the fieldwork villages situated in Kushinagar, a northeastern district in Uttar Pradesh. Through a combination of fieldwork observations and data gleaned from government publications, Mehrotra successfully renders a vivid depiction of the region's agrarian economy. A substantial portion of the chapter is dedicated to dissecting the occupational hierarchy, particularly emphasising caste and gender dimensions. Mehrotra observes that the upper tiers of this hierarchy are predominantly occupied by higher caste-classes who have diversified beyond agriculture and secured access to state resources, whether directly or indirectly. In stark contrast, the lower spectrum of the hierarchy is populated by individuals engaged in labour-intensive and often stigmatised occupations, such as agricultural and casual labour, brick kiln work, and marginal self-employment. These roles are frequently synonymous with exploitative conditions, indebtedness and various forms of unfree labour. The chapter particularly emphasises the predominant concentration of Dalit women at the bottom of the village labour market, a phenomenon attributable to their limited mobility. This observation is vital as it underscores the intersectionality of class, caste and gender, and how these elements collectively shape labour market dynamics. Another significant aspect discussed in this chapter is the role of land ownership and its consequential social implications within these villages. Landholdings, primarily in the hands of Rajputs, serve as a means of wielding both economic and social power, further entrenching the existing social hierarchies.

Chapter 4 intricately examines labour relations, wage structures and the socio-economic factors that define the lives of rural Dalit women labourers. It is argued that the confinement of Dalit women labourers within village boundaries, coupled with their limited freedom, significantly contributes to enabling men to pursue more lucrative employment opportunities. Deeply rooted in patriarchy, these entrenched identities and traditional norms are strategically leveraged and manipulated to facilitate contemporary capitalist accumulation, predominantly under male ownership and control. The phenomenon of male migration, as discussed in the chapter, results in women increasingly becoming entangled in situations characterised by unfree labour relations. Such arrangements, while sometimes voluntarily entered into due to their provision of a form of insurance or safety net, simultaneously contribute to perpetuating divisions among labourers, thereby reinforcing male capitalist dominance. The chapter further explores the gendered division of labour in agriculture, observing that women are often assigned the least remunerative tasks such as sowing and weeding. This division, while ostensibly justified by physical differences between genders, also serves to fortify patriarchal power structures. Mehrotra contends that this sexual division of labour is not a consequence of women's inability to perform other tasks but is a calculated strategy to maintain male dominance both within the household and in the broader social framework.

An important contribution of the book is its insights into intra-labour relations in Chapter 4. The book reveals considerable disparities among labourers based on caste, socio-economic status, neighbourhood, and personal networks. However, there also exists a sense of solidarity among them, particularly in times of personal crises or in opposition to common adversaries such as upper-caste employers. The case of the Mosahars is highlighted, a group that demonstrates a strong sense of labour unity, bolstered by their significant socio-economic homogeneity. This unity among Mosahars stands as a testament to the complex interplay of socio-economic and caste-based factors in shaping labour relations within rural India.

Chapter 5 offers an insightful exploration into the political consciousness and activism of Dalit labourers, particularly women. This chapter delves into the dynamics of labour struggles, the role of non-state actors in facilitating Dalit empowerment and the pragmatic approaches adopted by Dalit women in their quest for better living conditions. The chapter begins by highlighting the unique case of the Mosahars, a Dalit sub-caste, whose labour struggles and political activism have been notably different from other Dalit groups in the area. Mehrotra attributes this difference to the intervention of an NGO, which worked extensively with the Mosahar community, raising their awareness about their rights and facilitating their engagement with local bureaucracies. The author discusses the limitations of such activism, noting that it often does not incorporate other Dalit groups and tends to be localised in nature. The chapter also touches upon the envy and antagonism that the Mosahars' relative success in activism has generated among other Dalit groups, highlighting the complexities of intra-community dynamics and the limited scope of labour struggles, which are often restricted to the hamlet level and influenced by specific social, economic, and political contexts. A significant portion of the chapter is dedicated to examining the political consciousness and agency of Dalit women labourers. Mehrotra notes that while these women are conscious of their rights and the bases of their exploitation, they often adopt pragmatic and canny approaches to ‘work the system’ through negotiations and ‘weapons of the weak’. This is indicative of the fact that Dalit women's understanding of politics is largely confined to the local level, and their political actions are driven more by practical considerations than ideological commitments. This approach, while limited in its ability to challenge the capitalist agrarian structures fundamentally, has led to intermittent and limited successes in improving their conditions. Mehrotra notes that the struggles of Dalit women, while symbolic, do not lead to substantive material improvements in the work and living conditions of Dalit labourers.

Mehrotra's book delves into the labour relations of Dalit women, with a particular emphasis on how these relations are shaped by debt, especially debt owed to upper-caste employers who also function as moneylenders. This specific focus on debt from upper-caste sources highlights the perpetuation of unfree labour relations. However, a more comprehensive exploration of the various sources of credit and the social and material dimensions of debt would further enrich the analysis (Guérin & Venkatasubramanian, 2022). While the book acknowledges the influence of debt on caste and labour dynamics, it does not extensively investigate the multifaceted interactions of debts from diverse sources, which is a prominent feature in many studies of rural India. My research in Western Uttar Pradesh illustrates that Dalit households are often ensnared in a complex web of debt encompassing multiple sources. It is common for these households to use cash advances from brick kilns to settle high-interest loans from Rajputs, or vice versa. This intricate interplay of debts from different sources results in a closely knit connection among the various jobs these labourers undertake, as their employers frequently double as their moneylenders.

Additionally, the empirical data underpinning Mehrotra's book dates back to 2010 and thus does not incorporate more recent developments in credit systems. In the years following, there has been a notable infiltration of neoliberal sources of credit, such as microfinance companies, into the Indian countryside. This new wave of credit has significantly altered caste and labour relations, a dynamic that warrants further exploration in the context of the book's theme. The incorporation of these newer forms of credit in the analysis would provide a more up-to-date and comprehensive understanding of the socio-economic realities faced by Dalit women in rural India.

In all its merits, Mehrotra's book presents a comprehensive exploration of caste relations in rural India, examined through the prism of labour dynamics. The book is a rich and detailed study of the political economy encompassing class, caste, and gender, and it offers invaluable insights into the nature of agrarian relations. The depth and breadth of Mehrotra's extensive fieldwork and analytical approach culminate in a sophisticated understanding of the interplay between caste-class structures and labour relations in rural settings. This work stands as a substantial contribution to the fields of labour studies and political economy. It meticulously unravels the complex realities confronted by marginalised communities, with a particular emphasis on the experiences of Dalit women in rural India.

阶级、种姓和性别的政治经济学:IshitaMehrotra 著:Routledge.2022. pp.£104.00 (hbk).ISBN: 9780367336233
Mehrotra 指出,达利特妇女的斗争虽然具有象征意义,但并没有给达利特劳工的工作和生活条件带来实质性的改善。Mehrotra 在书中深入探讨了达利特妇女的劳动关系,并特别强调了这些关系是如何受债务影响的,尤其是欠上层种姓雇主的债务,这些雇主同时也是放债人。对来自上层种姓的债务的特别关注凸显了不自由劳动关系的长期存在。然而,对各种信贷来源以及债务的社会和物质层面进行更全面的探讨将进一步丰富分析内容(Guérin &amp; Venkatasubramanian, 2022)。虽然该书承认债务对种姓和劳动力动态的影响,但它并未广泛调查不同来源债务的多方面相互作用,而这正是许多印度农村研究的一个显著特点。我在北方邦西部的研究表明,达利特家庭往往被卷入一个包含多种来源的复杂债务网中。这些家庭通常使用砖窑的现金垫款来偿还拉齐普特人的高息贷款,反之亦然。不同来源的债务错综复杂地相互作用,导致这些劳工所从事的各种工作之间的紧密联系,因为他们的雇主经常兼任他们的放债人。此外,Mehrotra 这本书所依据的经验数据是 2010 年的数据,因此没有纳入信贷系统的最新发展。此后几年,小额贷款公司等新自由主义信贷来源明显渗入印度农村。这股新的信贷浪潮极大地改变了种姓和劳资关系,这一动态值得在本书主题的背景下进一步探讨。将这些较新的信贷形式纳入分析,将使我们对印度农村达利特妇女所面临的社会经济现实有一个更新、更全面的认识。该书对包括阶级、种姓和性别在内的政治经济学进行了丰富而详尽的研究,并对土地关系的性质提出了宝贵的见解。Mehrotra 广泛的实地调查和分析方法的深度和广度,最终形成了对农村种姓阶级结构和劳动关系之间相互作用的深刻理解。这部著作是对劳工研究和政治经济学领域的重大贡献。它细致入微地揭示了边缘化群体所面临的复杂现实,特别强调了印度农村地区达利特妇女的经历。
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来源期刊
CiteScore
5.20
自引率
8.00%
发文量
54
期刊介绍: The Journal of Agrarian Change is a journal of agrarian political economy. It promotes investigation of the social relations and dynamics of production, property and power in agrarian formations and their processes of change, both historical and contemporary. It encourages work within a broad interdisciplinary framework, informed by theory, and serves as a forum for serious comparative analysis and scholarly debate. Contributions are welcomed from political economists, historians, anthropologists, sociologists, political scientists, economists, geographers, lawyers, and others committed to the rigorous study and analysis of agrarian structure and change, past and present, in different parts of the world.
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