Food Faiths: Diet, Religion, and the Science of Spiritual Eating by Catherine L. Newell (review)

IF 0.9 2区 哲学 Q4 HEALTH CARE SCIENCES & SERVICES
Jonathan D. Riddle
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In <em>Food Faiths: Diet, Religion, and the Science of Spiritual Eating</em>, historian Catherine L. Newell rejects this dismissive attitude and takes the resemblance between diets and religion seriously, exploring where food-focused lifestyles fit into the history of religion in the United States and how they operate as spiritual practices today.</p> <p>Newell begins by situating the diets she denominates food faiths—veganism, Paleo, and various ancestral diets—within sociological conceptions of religious change in the last half century. According to the framework proposed by Robert Wuthnow and others, American believers moved from faiths focused on \"dwelling\" (p. 19) in traditions and institutions in the mid-twentieth century to \"seeking\" (p. 20) new forms of extra-institutional spirituality during the counter-culture years. Now, following the rise of the religiously unaffiliated, many believers simply focus on cultivating a \"spiritual practice\" (p. 22).<sup>1</sup> Food faiths fit into this final stage, Newell argues. Here she proposes a secularization narrative. For as much as we should understand dieting as \"a new form of spiritual practice\" (p. 24), this practice derives not from belief in deities or scriptures but from belief in science. Dieting is not so much <em>like</em> religion; it has <em>replaced</em> religion, becoming \"secular theology for the science-minded\" (p. 14).</p> <p>In the next two chapters—the longest of the book—Newell offers a detailed history of diet-based lifestyles from the health reform movement of Sylvester Graham in the early nineteenth century to the debates between Ancel Keys and John Yudkin over the lipid hypothesis in the late twentieth century. Secularization again provides the framework. While antebellum health reformers urged Americans to adopt abstemious diets as part of the divine plan for material and spiritual flourishing, late twentieth-century Atkins dieters followed the dictates of science in pursuit of bodily health and beauty. The turning point in this transition, Newell argues, came in the early twentieth century with John Harvey Kellogg. Kellogg began promoting healthy lifestyles at the Battle Creek Sanitarium as an extension of his Seventh-day Adventist faith, but, when he had to decide what constituted \"healthy,\" he deferred not to revelation but to the science of physiology. This narrative operates like a line of best fit: it does not account for exceptions like the deeply religious evangelical diet culture of the 1960s and 1970s, but it does highlight the trajectory of change from \"Christian-oriented\" to \"science-based\" regimens (p. 75). <strong>[End Page 171]</strong></p> <p>Thus far into the book, Newell focuses on placing food faiths in existing scholarship. In the remaining chapters, she turns to explicating her own \"techno-ethnographic\" (p. 29) research among online communities of the food faithful. These thematic studies sparkle with insights. Newell first examines the testimonies of vegan and Paleo dieters, showing how they mirror traditional religious conversion narratives. She argues that these accounts do not simply deploy the language of conversion, they testify to transformations as powerful and thoroughgoing as religious awakenings. Newell quotes Lewis R. Rambo's description of religious conversions as \"a radical shifting of gears that can take the spiritual lackadaisical to a new level of intensive concern, commitment, and involvement,\" suggesting that new vegan and Paleo dieters experience a renewal no less significant (p. 125).<sup>2</sup></p> <p>Newell next analyzes diets focused on ancient foodways, such as Paleo, traditional eating, and Afro-Veganism. She argues that the narratives driving these diets function as cosmic redemption sagas. Dieters tell stories beginning with an Eden in which ancestors ate according to the dictates of nature—as determined by contemporary science, especially genetics—and therefore enjoyed perfect health. Then came \"the inevitable Fall\" (p. 152), whether the...</p> </p>","PeriodicalId":55304,"journal":{"name":"Bulletin of the History of Medicine","volume":"38 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.9000,"publicationDate":"2024-06-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Bulletin of the History of Medicine","FirstCategoryId":"98","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1353/bhm.2024.a929790","RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"Q4","JCRName":"HEALTH CARE SCIENCES & SERVICES","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0

Abstract

Reviewed by:

  • Food Faiths: Diet, Religion, and the Science of Spiritual Eating by Catherine L. Newell
  • Jonathan D. Riddle
Catherine L. Newell. Food Faiths: Diet, Religion, and the Science of Spiritual Eating. Lanham, Md.: Lexington Books, 2023. ix + 253 pp. ( 978-1-79362-006-4).

Critics of diet and exercise cultures often complain that people treat their health practices like religions. They intend this observation as a critique. Comparison to religion in this context implies that devotees demonstrate excessive zeal for their lifestyles, expect too much from mere regimen, and, especially, engage in unwelcome proselytization. In Food Faiths: Diet, Religion, and the Science of Spiritual Eating, historian Catherine L. Newell rejects this dismissive attitude and takes the resemblance between diets and religion seriously, exploring where food-focused lifestyles fit into the history of religion in the United States and how they operate as spiritual practices today.

Newell begins by situating the diets she denominates food faiths—veganism, Paleo, and various ancestral diets—within sociological conceptions of religious change in the last half century. According to the framework proposed by Robert Wuthnow and others, American believers moved from faiths focused on "dwelling" (p. 19) in traditions and institutions in the mid-twentieth century to "seeking" (p. 20) new forms of extra-institutional spirituality during the counter-culture years. Now, following the rise of the religiously unaffiliated, many believers simply focus on cultivating a "spiritual practice" (p. 22).1 Food faiths fit into this final stage, Newell argues. Here she proposes a secularization narrative. For as much as we should understand dieting as "a new form of spiritual practice" (p. 24), this practice derives not from belief in deities or scriptures but from belief in science. Dieting is not so much like religion; it has replaced religion, becoming "secular theology for the science-minded" (p. 14).

In the next two chapters—the longest of the book—Newell offers a detailed history of diet-based lifestyles from the health reform movement of Sylvester Graham in the early nineteenth century to the debates between Ancel Keys and John Yudkin over the lipid hypothesis in the late twentieth century. Secularization again provides the framework. While antebellum health reformers urged Americans to adopt abstemious diets as part of the divine plan for material and spiritual flourishing, late twentieth-century Atkins dieters followed the dictates of science in pursuit of bodily health and beauty. The turning point in this transition, Newell argues, came in the early twentieth century with John Harvey Kellogg. Kellogg began promoting healthy lifestyles at the Battle Creek Sanitarium as an extension of his Seventh-day Adventist faith, but, when he had to decide what constituted "healthy," he deferred not to revelation but to the science of physiology. This narrative operates like a line of best fit: it does not account for exceptions like the deeply religious evangelical diet culture of the 1960s and 1970s, but it does highlight the trajectory of change from "Christian-oriented" to "science-based" regimens (p. 75). [End Page 171]

Thus far into the book, Newell focuses on placing food faiths in existing scholarship. In the remaining chapters, she turns to explicating her own "techno-ethnographic" (p. 29) research among online communities of the food faithful. These thematic studies sparkle with insights. Newell first examines the testimonies of vegan and Paleo dieters, showing how they mirror traditional religious conversion narratives. She argues that these accounts do not simply deploy the language of conversion, they testify to transformations as powerful and thoroughgoing as religious awakenings. Newell quotes Lewis R. Rambo's description of religious conversions as "a radical shifting of gears that can take the spiritual lackadaisical to a new level of intensive concern, commitment, and involvement," suggesting that new vegan and Paleo dieters experience a renewal no less significant (p. 125).2

Newell next analyzes diets focused on ancient foodways, such as Paleo, traditional eating, and Afro-Veganism. She argues that the narratives driving these diets function as cosmic redemption sagas. Dieters tell stories beginning with an Eden in which ancestors ate according to the dictates of nature—as determined by contemporary science, especially genetics—and therefore enjoyed perfect health. Then came "the inevitable Fall" (p. 152), whether the...

食物信仰:Catherine L. Newell 所著的《饮食、宗教和精神饮食科学》(评论)
评论者: 食物信仰:凯瑟琳-L.-纽厄尔著,乔纳森-D.-里德尔译,饮食、宗教和精神饮食的科学 凯瑟琳-L.-纽厄尔著,乔纳森-D.-里德尔译。食物信仰:饮食、宗教和精神饮食科学》。ix + 253 pp.( 978-1-79362-006-4).饮食和运动文化的批评者经常抱怨人们把自己的健康实践当成宗教。他们将这种看法视为一种批评。在这种情况下将其与宗教相提并论,意味着信徒们对自己的生活方式表现出过度的热情,对单纯的养生方法期望过高,尤其是参与不受欢迎的传教活动。在《食物信仰:历史学家凯瑟琳-L.-纽厄尔(Catherine L. Newell)摒弃了这种轻蔑的态度,认真对待饮食与宗教之间的相似性,探讨了以食物为重点的生活方式在美国宗教史中的地位,以及它们今天作为精神实践是如何运作的。纽维尔首先将她称之为食物信仰的饮食--素食主义、Paleo 和各种祖传饮食--置于过去半个世纪宗教变化的社会学概念之中。根据罗伯特-沃思诺(Robert Wuthnow)等人提出的框架,美国信徒在二十世纪中期从专注于 "居住"(第19页)在传统和机构中的信仰转向在反文化时期 "寻求"(第20页)新形式的机构外灵性。现在,随着无宗教信仰者的兴起,许多信徒只专注于培养一种 "精神实践"(第 22 页)1 。在此,她提出了一种世俗化叙事。虽然我们应该把节食理解为 "一种新形式的精神修行"(第 24 页),但这种修行并非源于对神灵或经文的信仰,而是源于对科学的信仰。节食与其说是宗教,不如说是它取代了宗教,成为 "具有科学精神的世俗神学"(第 14 页)。在接下来的两章--全书最长的一章--中,纽维尔详细介绍了从十九世纪初西尔维斯特-格雷厄姆(Sylvester Graham)的健康改革运动到二十世纪末安塞尔-凯斯(Ancel Keys)和约翰-尤德金(John Yudkin)之间关于脂质假说的争论,以饮食为基础的生活方式的历史。世俗化再次提供了一个框架。前贝鲁姆时期的健康改革者敦促美国人节制饮食,将其作为物质和精神繁荣的神圣计划的一部分,而二十世纪末的阿特金斯节食者则遵循科学的指令,追求身体的健康和美丽。纽维尔认为,这一转变的转折点出现在 20 世纪初的约翰-哈维-凯洛格身上。作为基督复临安息日会信仰的延伸,凯洛格开始在战溪疗养院推广健康的生活方式,但当他必须决定什么才是 "健康 "时,他不是听从启示,而是听从生理学科学。这种叙述方式就像一条最合适的路线:它无法解释 20 世纪 60 年代和 70 年代宗教色彩浓厚的福音派饮食文化等例外情况,但它确实突出了从 "以基督教为导向 "到 "以科学为基础 "的饮食疗法的变化轨迹(第 75 页)。[第 171 页完] 到目前为止,纽厄尔在书中主要是将饮食信仰纳入现有的学术研究中。在余下的章节中,她转而阐述了自己在食物信仰者网络社区中开展的 "技术人种学"(第 29 页)研究。这些专题研究闪烁着真知灼见。纽厄尔首先研究了素食主义者和Paleo节食者的见证,展示了他们是如何反映传统宗教皈依叙事的。她认为,这些叙述并不是简单地使用皈依的语言,它们见证了与宗教觉醒一样强大而彻底的转变。纽厄尔引用刘易斯-R-兰博(Lewis R. Rambo)对宗教皈依的描述,即 "一种彻底的转变,它能将精神上无动于衷的人带入一个深入关注、投入和参与的新境界"。她认为,推动这些饮食的叙事具有宇宙救赎传奇的功能。节食者讲述的故事始于伊甸园,在伊甸园里,祖先们按照当代科学(尤其是遗传学)所确定的自然规律进食,因此享有完美的健康。然后是 "不可避免的堕落"(第 152 页),无论是...
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来源期刊
Bulletin of the History of Medicine
Bulletin of the History of Medicine 医学-科学史与科学哲学
CiteScore
0.90
自引率
0.00%
发文量
28
审稿时长
>12 weeks
期刊介绍: A leading journal in its field for more than three quarters of a century, the Bulletin spans the social, cultural, and scientific aspects of the history of medicine worldwide. Every issue includes reviews of recent books on medical history. Recurring sections include Digital Humanities & Public History and Pedagogy. Bulletin of the History of Medicine is the official publication of the American Association for the History of Medicine (AAHM) and the Johns Hopkins Institute of the History of Medicine.
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