{"title":"Microsyntax meets macrosyntax: Russian neg-words revisited","authors":"","doi":"10.1007/s11185-024-09290-7","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"<h3>Abstract</h3> <p>This paper offers a new analysis of Russian syntactic idioms consisting of stressed general negation <em>n´e</em>- fused with a <em>wh</em>-word (<em>k</em>-word). The elements from this class take infinitival complements and select dative subjects. The clauses with Russian <em>neg</em>-words like <em>mne negde spat’</em> ‘I have no space to sleep’ and their affirmative counterparts represent the modal existential construction conveying the meaning ‘<em>p</em> is (not) available & <em>X</em> can (not) do <em>q</em>’. I argue that while the perspective of checking Russian modal existentials on a class of embedded <em>wh</em>-infinitives is important, it must be complemented by a comparison of idioms of the <em>mne negde spat’</em> type with two productive sentence patterns—dative-predicative and dative-infinitive structures. The former are control structures, where dative subjects are matrix clause elements, while the latter have raising properties. Syntactic idioms display mixed properties: on the one hand, they match the overt syntax of dative predicatives, on the other hand, show residual raising effects and license derived non-animate subjects. Like root dative-infinitive structures, syntactic idioms express the meaning of external (alethic) modality, but the same type of modality can be expressed by some dative predicatives. The clauses with <em>neg</em>-words originated as embedded dative-infinitive structures, a type marginally acceptable in Modern Russian, while the dative-predicative construction extends its coverage and assimilates <em>neg</em>-words. The <em>neg</em>-words are derived by the movement of <em>k</em>-words into the matrix clause. If a case-marked <em>k</em>-word raises to a non-argument position, it loses morphological case and the <em>neg</em>-word is reanalyzed as a predicative. If a case-marked <em>k</em>-word raises to the subject position, the <em>neg</em>-word inherits the case of the <em>k</em>-word, which is possible only for dative <em>k</em>-words <em>komu</em> and <em>čemu</em>.</p>","PeriodicalId":43779,"journal":{"name":"RUSSIAN LINGUISTICS","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.9000,"publicationDate":"2024-03-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"RUSSIAN LINGUISTICS","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1007/s11185-024-09290-7","RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"0","JCRName":"LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Abstract
This paper offers a new analysis of Russian syntactic idioms consisting of stressed general negation n´e- fused with a wh-word (k-word). The elements from this class take infinitival complements and select dative subjects. The clauses with Russian neg-words like mne negde spat’ ‘I have no space to sleep’ and their affirmative counterparts represent the modal existential construction conveying the meaning ‘p is (not) available & X can (not) do q’. I argue that while the perspective of checking Russian modal existentials on a class of embedded wh-infinitives is important, it must be complemented by a comparison of idioms of the mne negde spat’ type with two productive sentence patterns—dative-predicative and dative-infinitive structures. The former are control structures, where dative subjects are matrix clause elements, while the latter have raising properties. Syntactic idioms display mixed properties: on the one hand, they match the overt syntax of dative predicatives, on the other hand, show residual raising effects and license derived non-animate subjects. Like root dative-infinitive structures, syntactic idioms express the meaning of external (alethic) modality, but the same type of modality can be expressed by some dative predicatives. The clauses with neg-words originated as embedded dative-infinitive structures, a type marginally acceptable in Modern Russian, while the dative-predicative construction extends its coverage and assimilates neg-words. The neg-words are derived by the movement of k-words into the matrix clause. If a case-marked k-word raises to a non-argument position, it loses morphological case and the neg-word is reanalyzed as a predicative. If a case-marked k-word raises to the subject position, the neg-word inherits the case of the k-word, which is possible only for dative k-words komu and čemu.
期刊介绍：
Russian Linguistics is a peer-reviewed journal devoted to the empirical and theoretical study of Russian and other Slavic languages in all their diversity. It is open to all areas of linguistics, welcoming empirical, theoretical and applied approaches as well as in-depth qualitative and larger-scale quantitative studies from both synchronic and diachronic perspectives.
Russian Linguistics publishes three types of articles: 1) original articles as full reports of data from own research, 2) reviews of recent research (not older than 2 years), 3) squibs as shorter contributions initiating discussions relevant within their field and to the specific question they address.
The journal invites submissions written in English or Russian. It is recommended to write in English in order to facilitate a wider outreach in the linguistic community.
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