Affix Not Clitic‐Based Vowel Shortening in Modern Arabic Varieties

IF 0.3 4区 文学 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS
Emily Lindsay‐Smith
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引用次数: 0

Abstract

Word formation in most languages is inextricably linked to a distinction between clitics and affixes. Although famous for its templatic morphological structure, Arabic also contains concatenative formatives some of whose status as clitics or affixes is controversial. It is well known that Arabic varieties exhibit a range of interacting shortening and lengthening processes. Some of the shortening processes have been linked to the clitic/affix distinction in the Arabic literature. In this paper, I discuss two vowel shortening processes, CSS‐Morph and CSS‐Phon, that are often conflated as the same Closed Syllable Shortening process. Based on evidence from 16 modern Arabic varieties, I show that these CSS processes are in fact two independent processes. While CSS‐Morph is a phonological alternation within a morphophonological context, CSS‐Phon is purely phonological. Neither provides evidence to classify any formative as a clitic or indeed differentiate between formatives as suffixes or clitics.
现代阿拉伯语变体中基于词缀而非词缀的元音缩短
大多数语言的构词法都与词素和词缀之间的区别密不可分。虽然阿拉伯语以其模板形态结构而闻名,但它也包含一些连缀构词,其中一些构词是词缀还是词素尚存争议。众所周知,阿拉伯语变体表现出一系列相互作用的缩短和延长过程。在阿拉伯语文献中,有些缩短过程与词缀/词缀的区别有关。在本文中,我将讨论两种元音缩短过程--CSS-Morph 和 CSS-Phon,这两种过程经常被混为一谈,被视为同一封闭音节缩短过程。基于 16 个现代阿拉伯语变体的证据,我证明了这两个 CSS 过程实际上是两个独立的过程。CSS-Morph 是在形态音素背景下的音素交替,而 CSS-Phon 则纯粹是音素交替。二者都没有提供证据将任何状语归类为词缀,或区分状语是后缀还是词缀。
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来源期刊
CiteScore
0.90
自引率
0.00%
发文量
20
期刊介绍: Transactions of the Philological Society continues the earlier Proceedings (1852-53), and is the oldest scholarly periodical devoted to the general study of language and languages that has an unbroken tradition. Transactions reflects a wide range of linguistic interest and contains articles on a diversity of topics: among those published in recent years have been papers on phonology, Romance linguistics, generative grammar, pragmatics, sociolinguistics, Indo-European philology and the history of English.
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