Augustine and the Humanists: Reading the 'City of God' from Petrarch to Poliziano ed. by Guy Claessens and Fabio Della Schiava (review)

IF 0.1 4区 历史学 0 MEDIEVAL & RENAISSANCE STUDIES
PARERGON Pub Date : 2023-12-18 DOI:10.1353/pgn.2023.a914795
Patrick Ball
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Collected Studies in History and Literature, 2), Gent, LYSA Publishers, 2021; hardback; pp. 480; 21 colour plates; R.R.P. €75.00; ISBN 9789464447620. <p>Augustine called <em>De civitate Dei</em> his ‘magnum opus’; it is a leading source of theological thinking about the history, destiny, and politics of Christianity. It also yields abundant information about its period, the tipping point between pagan antiquity and the Christian Middle Ages: facts about Rome’s pre-Christian religion, extensive citation of lost classical sources, and miscellaneous detail (such as that it was customary to scatter powdered charcoal under boundary markers, so nobody could get away with shifting the stones afterwards). As the Middle Ages’ Godcentred mentality gave way to Renaissance humanism, there was the potential for new uses of <em>City of God</em> to emerge—for it to evolve from a theological authority into a repository of antiquarian knowledge. To date, though, there has been little interest in exploring humanists’ engagement with it. This volume attempts to address that oversight. An introductory chapter by Eric Saak precedes fifteen contributions, each detailing one scholar’s engagement with the work (or, in the case of Antonio Manfredi’s chapter, two scholars: Tommaso Parentucelli and Giovanni Tortelli). Elisa Brilli concludes the volume with an interesting study of manuscript illuminations of <em>De civitate Dei</em> and what these imply about changing understandings of Augustine’s ‘City’ over the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries.</p> <p>The contributors address the topic from varied angles. A uniform approach is not authorised or necessarily possible given the available evidence. One common, basal mode of investigation assesses Augustine’s influence by estimating the number of his works the humanist in question possessed or had read and the frequency of references to him in that individual’s writings. More is not always feasible. The most rewarding chapters succeed in providing further context. For instance, Fabio Forner describes how Enea Silvio Piccolomini, the future Pius II, deployed Augustine’s other writings, during the standoff between the papacy and <strong>[End Page 221]</strong> the Council of Cardinals, in defence of the cardinals before switching sides to the papal camp. Then, once the Turks captured Constantinople, he began citing and modelling his own writings on <em>City of God</em>, itself inspired by the Visigoths’ sack of Rome. Sometimes there is enough evidence to allow focus on something specific in a scholar’s use of the work. Thus, Sam Urlings gives a rundown of <em>City of God</em>’s place in the Florentine Republic’s political thought, before turning to Coluccio Salutati’s account of the rape of Lucretia, the Roman Republic’s foundation myth—an account that implicitly critiques Augustine’s presentation of the rape. A few chapters treat Augustine’s general influence, not <em>City of God</em>’s, perhaps as there was little to say about the latter. It may be no coincidence that those contributions that engage most directly with the topic include the ones written by the editors (Fabio Della Schiava on Biondo Flavio, and Guy Claessens and Jeroen De Keyser on Francesco Filelfo). Della Schiava and Claessens’s awareness of these men’s especially close engagement with Augustine may have inspired the project.</p> <p>Explicit connections between chapters can be observed, including commonalities in humanists’ responses to Augustine’s work. Several contributors describe the defensive use of <em>City of God</em>, from Petrarch onward, to counter condemnations of the reading of pagan philosophy or poetry. Here was an unimpeachable authority who had made extensive use of both to support his arguments. For Valerio Sanzotta, Marsilio Ficino invoked Augustine in the service of Platonism as a ‘protective shield for a philosophical program that was [...] profoundly un-Augustinian in its essence’ (p. 377). There seems to be agreement that the humanists under consideration engaged with Augustine in complex ways. Petrarch used him to oppose scholastic objections to pagan authors, but his response ultimately involved ‘disappropriation’ (Saak, p. 39). Later humanists essentially followed suit. 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引用次数: 0

Abstract

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:

Reviewed by:

  • Augustine and the Humanists: Reading the ‘City of God’ from Petrarch to Poliziano ed. by Guy Claessens and Fabio Della Schiava
  • Patrick Ball
Claessens, Guy, and Fabio Della Schiava, eds, Augustine and the Humanists: Reading the ‘City of God’ from Petrarch to Poliziano (Colibri. Collected Studies in History and Literature, 2), Gent, LYSA Publishers, 2021; hardback; pp. 480; 21 colour plates; R.R.P. €75.00; ISBN 9789464447620.

Augustine called De civitate Dei his ‘magnum opus’; it is a leading source of theological thinking about the history, destiny, and politics of Christianity. It also yields abundant information about its period, the tipping point between pagan antiquity and the Christian Middle Ages: facts about Rome’s pre-Christian religion, extensive citation of lost classical sources, and miscellaneous detail (such as that it was customary to scatter powdered charcoal under boundary markers, so nobody could get away with shifting the stones afterwards). As the Middle Ages’ Godcentred mentality gave way to Renaissance humanism, there was the potential for new uses of City of God to emerge—for it to evolve from a theological authority into a repository of antiquarian knowledge. To date, though, there has been little interest in exploring humanists’ engagement with it. This volume attempts to address that oversight. An introductory chapter by Eric Saak precedes fifteen contributions, each detailing one scholar’s engagement with the work (or, in the case of Antonio Manfredi’s chapter, two scholars: Tommaso Parentucelli and Giovanni Tortelli). Elisa Brilli concludes the volume with an interesting study of manuscript illuminations of De civitate Dei and what these imply about changing understandings of Augustine’s ‘City’ over the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries.

The contributors address the topic from varied angles. A uniform approach is not authorised or necessarily possible given the available evidence. One common, basal mode of investigation assesses Augustine’s influence by estimating the number of his works the humanist in question possessed or had read and the frequency of references to him in that individual’s writings. More is not always feasible. The most rewarding chapters succeed in providing further context. For instance, Fabio Forner describes how Enea Silvio Piccolomini, the future Pius II, deployed Augustine’s other writings, during the standoff between the papacy and [End Page 221] the Council of Cardinals, in defence of the cardinals before switching sides to the papal camp. Then, once the Turks captured Constantinople, he began citing and modelling his own writings on City of God, itself inspired by the Visigoths’ sack of Rome. Sometimes there is enough evidence to allow focus on something specific in a scholar’s use of the work. Thus, Sam Urlings gives a rundown of City of God’s place in the Florentine Republic’s political thought, before turning to Coluccio Salutati’s account of the rape of Lucretia, the Roman Republic’s foundation myth—an account that implicitly critiques Augustine’s presentation of the rape. A few chapters treat Augustine’s general influence, not City of God’s, perhaps as there was little to say about the latter. It may be no coincidence that those contributions that engage most directly with the topic include the ones written by the editors (Fabio Della Schiava on Biondo Flavio, and Guy Claessens and Jeroen De Keyser on Francesco Filelfo). Della Schiava and Claessens’s awareness of these men’s especially close engagement with Augustine may have inspired the project.

Explicit connections between chapters can be observed, including commonalities in humanists’ responses to Augustine’s work. Several contributors describe the defensive use of City of God, from Petrarch onward, to counter condemnations of the reading of pagan philosophy or poetry. Here was an unimpeachable authority who had made extensive use of both to support his arguments. For Valerio Sanzotta, Marsilio Ficino invoked Augustine in the service of Platonism as a ‘protective shield for a philosophical program that was [...] profoundly un-Augustinian in its essence’ (p. 377). There seems to be agreement that the humanists under consideration engaged with Augustine in complex ways. Petrarch used him to oppose scholastic objections to pagan authors, but his response ultimately involved ‘disappropriation’ (Saak, p. 39). Later humanists essentially followed suit. Clementina Marsico’s observation that Lorenzo...

奥古斯丁与人文主义者:从彼特拉克到波利齐亚诺解读 "上帝之城"》,Guy Claessens 和 Fabio Della Schiava 编辑(评论)
以下是内容的简要摘录,以代替摘要:评论者: 奥古斯丁与人文主义者:从彼特拉克到波利齐亚诺解读 "上帝之城" Guy Claessens 和 Fabio Della Schiava 编辑 Patrick Ball Claessens、Guy 和 Fabio Della Schiava 编辑,《奥古斯丁与人文主义者:从彼特拉克到波利齐亚诺解读 "上帝之城"》(Colibri:从彼特拉克到波利齐亚诺解读 "上帝之城"》(Colibri. 历史与文学研究集,2),根特,LYSA 出版社,2021 年;精装本;第 480 页;21 幅彩图;零售价 75.00 欧元;国际标准书号 9789464447620。奥古斯丁称 De civitate Dei 为他的 "巨著";它是有关基督教历史、命运和政治的神学思想的主要来源。该书还提供了大量有关其所处时期--异教古代与基督教中世纪之间的临界点--的信息:有关罗马前基督教宗教的事实、对已失传的古典资料的广泛引用以及杂项细节(例如,人们习惯于在界碑下撒上木炭粉,这样就不会有人在事后偷走石头)。随着中世纪以上帝为中心的思想让位于文艺复兴时期的人文主义,《上帝之城》有可能出现新的用途--从神学权威演变为古籍知识宝库。然而,迄今为止,人们对人文主义者与《上帝之城》的关系鲜有兴趣。本卷试图解决这一疏忽。在埃里克-萨克(Eric Saak)撰写的介绍性章节之前有 15 篇文章,每篇文章都详细介绍了一位学者对这部作品的参与(在安东尼奥-曼弗雷迪(Antonio Manfredi)撰写的章节中,则介绍了两位学者的参与:托马索-帕伦图切利和乔瓦尼-托尔泰利)。伊莉莎-布里利(Elisa Brilli)在本卷的最后对《De civitate Dei》的手稿插图进行了有趣的研究,并阐述了这些插图对奥古斯丁的 "城市 "的理解在 14 世纪和 15 世纪的变化。撰稿人从不同角度探讨了这一主题。鉴于现有的证据,统一的研究方法并不被认可,也不一定可行。一种常见的基本调查方式是,通过估算相关人文学者拥有或阅读过的奥古斯丁作品的数量,以及该人文学者的著作中提及奥古斯丁的频率,来评估奥古斯丁的影响力。更多的内容并不总是可行的。最有价值的章节成功地提供了进一步的背景资料。例如,法比奥-福尔纳(Fabio Forner)描述了埃内亚-西尔维奥-皮科洛米尼(Enea Silvio Piccolomini),也就是未来的庇护二世,是如何在教皇与红衣主教会议的对峙中利用奥古斯丁的其他著作为红衣主教辩护,然后转而支持教皇阵营的。后来,土耳其人攻占君士坦丁堡后,他开始引用《上帝之城》,并以其为蓝本,而《上帝之城》的灵感则来自西哥特人对罗马的洗劫。有时,有足够的证据可以让学者在使用作品时关注某些特定的内容。因此,萨姆-厄林(Sam Urlings)先是概述了《上帝之城》在佛罗伦萨共和国政治思想中的地位,然后谈到了科卢奇奥-萨卢塔蒂(Coluccio Salutati)对罗马共和国的奠基神话--卢克蕾蒂娅被强奸的描述,这一描述暗含了对奥古斯丁关于强奸的描述的批判。有几章论述的是奥古斯丁的总体影响,而不是《上帝之城》的影响,也许是因为对后者没有什么可说的。编者(法比奥-德拉-斯基亚瓦撰写的关于比翁多-弗拉维奥的文章,盖伊-克莱森斯和耶罗恩-德-凯瑟撰写的关于弗朗切斯科-菲勒福的文章)所撰写的文章最直接地探讨了这一主题,这可能并非巧合。Della Schiava 和 Claessens 意识到这些人与奥古斯丁的关系尤为密切,这可能是该项目灵感的来源。我们可以看到各章之间的明显联系,包括人文主义者对奥古斯丁作品的共同回应。几位撰稿人描述了从彼特拉克开始对《上帝之城》的防御性使用,以反击对异教哲学或诗歌阅读的谴责。这是一位无可指责的权威,他大量使用这两方面来支持他的论点。在瓦莱里奥-桑佐塔(Valerio Sanzotta)看来,马西利奥-菲奇诺援引奥古斯丁来为柏拉图主义服务,是 "为一个在本质上[......]完全不属于奥古斯丁的哲学计划提供保护"(第 377 页)。人们似乎一致认为,我们所讨论的人文主义者以复杂的方式与奥古斯丁交往。彼特拉克利用奥古斯丁来反对学者对异教作家的反对,但奥古斯丁的回应最终是 "非挪用"(Saak,第 39 页)。后来的人文主义者基本上都效仿了这一做法。Clementina Marsico 认为洛伦佐...
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来源期刊
PARERGON
PARERGON MEDIEVAL & RENAISSANCE STUDIES-
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期刊介绍: Parergon publishes articles and book reviews on all aspects of medieval and early modern studies. It has a particular focus on research which takes new approaches and crosses traditional disciplinary boundaries. Fully refereed and with an international Advisory Board, Parergon is the Southern Hemisphere"s leading journal for early European research. It is published by the Australian and New Zealand Association of Medieval and Early Modern Studies (Inc.) and has close links with the ARC Network for Early European Research.
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