{"title":"\"Rewriting the Rape of Rachel\" and How History Changes","authors":"Lara Putnam","doi":"10.1353/wmq.2023.a910399","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"\"Rewriting the Rape of Rachel\" and How History Changes Lara Putnam (bio) SHARON Block has written a brilliant reengagement with a historical actor she first wrote about a quarter century ago: Rachel Davis, who, as a teenage indentured servant at the turn of the nineteenth century, suffered repeated sexual assaults by her aunt's husband, spoke out, and ultimately saw him tried and convicted of rape. The subject matter is raw and painful, and Block never loses sight of its moral weight. Yet somehow, without treating Rachel's life as mere fodder for an intellectual excursion, Block manages to take the opportunity to walk us through a meticulously insightful account of how historical knowledge is made—and why, when it is remade at a new point in time, it looks different. Several recent controversies have pushed into the public eye one-dimensional portrayals of historical revision, with critics implying that if historians' narratives change, it can only be evidence of \"presentism\" driven by current values and political needs.1 Block does take values and politics seriously, but her painstaking account shows up one-dimensional caricatures of historical revision as the straw men they are. \"Rewriting the Rape of Rachel\" shines light on the multidimensional, interactive evolution through which changing research practice brings historians closer to thoroughly accurate understandings of the past, rather than further from them. E. H. Carr famously declared in 1961 that for historians, facts are like fish. In the commonsense view, he explained, \"The historian collects [facts], takes them home, and cooks and serves them in whatever style appeals to him.\" But on the contrary, according to Carr, \"The facts are really not at all like fish on the fishmonger's slab. They are like fish [End Page 701] swimming about in a vast and sometimes inaccessible ocean; and what the historian catches will depend, partly on chance, but mainly on what part of the ocean he chooses to fish in and what tackle he chooses to use—these two factors being, of course, determined by the kind of fish he wants to catch.\"2 In this article Block again and again spells out the crucial contingencies undergirding her own fact-finding process: the way things that other people or institutions or businesses wrote or compiled or provided made it possible for her to conduct the research she did. In doing so, she makes visible by contrast the voluntarist paradigm limiting Carr's insights. Historians want to catch particular fish, so they choose how, Carr declared. But of course it is not that simple. What kinds of fishing tackle have been manufactured? Whose needs and goals—and whose assumptions about which fish are worth eating—shaped tackle design over time? What happens when climate change shifts ocean currents, altering which fish one might think about using in a recipe? Self-reflective tales that foreground the researcher's actions and choices are not so rare (indeed in some disciplines they are routine). But works that spell out the infrastructural conditions that made those actions and choices possible are a different matter. Block does not just tell us what she looked for and why; she details the institutions, investments, technologies, and norms that made particular kinds of sources accessible to her in particular ways, shaping both what she could see and what she could not. Today's infrastructure includes Ancestry.com and its vast array of digitized census, burial, transit, and military service records; hundreds of nineteenth-century newspapers, digitized and rendered term-searchable through optical character recognition software; and instant access to place-specific contextual knowledge through similarly term-searchable mass repositories of the last century-plus of historical scholarship (JSTOR first and foremost). Block is explicit about how much the new technological landscape of information retrieval matters. But hers is not a technologically determinist account. She is frank in pointing out the impact of changed values and salience in addition to changing technologies of source preservation, access, and analysis. Reading her account of her own evolving research, we see how all of these components have interacted to shift which questions about the past seem both meaningful and potentially answerable—and therefore, which questions people are using our...","PeriodicalId":51566,"journal":{"name":"WILLIAM AND MARY QUARTERLY","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.1000,"publicationDate":"2023-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"WILLIAM AND MARY QUARTERLY","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1353/wmq.2023.a910399","RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"Q1","JCRName":"HISTORY","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Abstract
"Rewriting the Rape of Rachel" and How History Changes Lara Putnam (bio) SHARON Block has written a brilliant reengagement with a historical actor she first wrote about a quarter century ago: Rachel Davis, who, as a teenage indentured servant at the turn of the nineteenth century, suffered repeated sexual assaults by her aunt's husband, spoke out, and ultimately saw him tried and convicted of rape. The subject matter is raw and painful, and Block never loses sight of its moral weight. Yet somehow, without treating Rachel's life as mere fodder for an intellectual excursion, Block manages to take the opportunity to walk us through a meticulously insightful account of how historical knowledge is made—and why, when it is remade at a new point in time, it looks different. Several recent controversies have pushed into the public eye one-dimensional portrayals of historical revision, with critics implying that if historians' narratives change, it can only be evidence of "presentism" driven by current values and political needs.1 Block does take values and politics seriously, but her painstaking account shows up one-dimensional caricatures of historical revision as the straw men they are. "Rewriting the Rape of Rachel" shines light on the multidimensional, interactive evolution through which changing research practice brings historians closer to thoroughly accurate understandings of the past, rather than further from them. E. H. Carr famously declared in 1961 that for historians, facts are like fish. In the commonsense view, he explained, "The historian collects [facts], takes them home, and cooks and serves them in whatever style appeals to him." But on the contrary, according to Carr, "The facts are really not at all like fish on the fishmonger's slab. They are like fish [End Page 701] swimming about in a vast and sometimes inaccessible ocean; and what the historian catches will depend, partly on chance, but mainly on what part of the ocean he chooses to fish in and what tackle he chooses to use—these two factors being, of course, determined by the kind of fish he wants to catch."2 In this article Block again and again spells out the crucial contingencies undergirding her own fact-finding process: the way things that other people or institutions or businesses wrote or compiled or provided made it possible for her to conduct the research she did. In doing so, she makes visible by contrast the voluntarist paradigm limiting Carr's insights. Historians want to catch particular fish, so they choose how, Carr declared. But of course it is not that simple. What kinds of fishing tackle have been manufactured? Whose needs and goals—and whose assumptions about which fish are worth eating—shaped tackle design over time? What happens when climate change shifts ocean currents, altering which fish one might think about using in a recipe? Self-reflective tales that foreground the researcher's actions and choices are not so rare (indeed in some disciplines they are routine). But works that spell out the infrastructural conditions that made those actions and choices possible are a different matter. Block does not just tell us what she looked for and why; she details the institutions, investments, technologies, and norms that made particular kinds of sources accessible to her in particular ways, shaping both what she could see and what she could not. Today's infrastructure includes Ancestry.com and its vast array of digitized census, burial, transit, and military service records; hundreds of nineteenth-century newspapers, digitized and rendered term-searchable through optical character recognition software; and instant access to place-specific contextual knowledge through similarly term-searchable mass repositories of the last century-plus of historical scholarship (JSTOR first and foremost). Block is explicit about how much the new technological landscape of information retrieval matters. But hers is not a technologically determinist account. She is frank in pointing out the impact of changed values and salience in addition to changing technologies of source preservation, access, and analysis. Reading her account of her own evolving research, we see how all of these components have interacted to shift which questions about the past seem both meaningful and potentially answerable—and therefore, which questions people are using our...
《蕾切尔的强奸》和《历史如何改变劳拉·帕特南》(传记)莎朗·布洛克(SHARON Block)精彩地重新演绎了一位历史演员,她在大约25年前第一次写这本书:蕾切尔·戴维斯(Rachel Davis),在19世纪之交,作为一名十几岁的契约仆人,她遭受了姨妈丈夫的多次性侵犯,她大声说出了自己的想法,最终看到他被审判并被判强奸罪。这个主题是原始而痛苦的,布洛克从未忽视它的道德分量。然而,布洛克并没有把瑞秋的生活仅仅当作智力旅行的素材,而是设法利用这个机会,带我们仔细地了解了历史知识是如何形成的,以及为什么当它在一个新的时间点被重新制作时,它看起来会有所不同。最近的一些争议将历史修正的单维描述推向了公众的视野,批评者暗示,如果历史学家的叙述发生变化,那只能是受当前价值观和政治需求驱动的“现世主义”的证据布洛克确实认真对待价值观和政治,但她煞费苦心的描述显示了对历史修正的一维讽刺,就像稻草人一样。《重写蕾切尔的强奸》揭示了多维度的、互动的演变,通过这种演变,不断变化的研究实践使历史学家更接近于彻底准确地理解过去,而不是远离过去。1961年,e·h·卡尔(E. H. Carr)发表了一句名言:对历史学家来说,事实就像鱼。他解释说,在常识看来,“历史学家收集[事实],把它们带回家,用他喜欢的任何方式烹饪和服务它们。”但恰恰相反,根据卡尔的说法,“事实真的一点也不像鱼贩板上的鱼。”他们就像鱼,在广阔的、有时难以接近的海洋里游来游去;历史学家能钓到什么鱼,部分取决于运气,但主要取决于他选择在海洋的哪一部分钓鱼,以及他选择使用什么钓具——当然,这两个因素是由他想钓的鱼的种类决定的。在这篇文章中,布洛克一次又一次地阐述了支撑她自己的事实调查过程的关键偶然性:其他人、机构或企业编写、汇编或提供的东西的方式使她有可能进行她所做的研究。在这样做的过程中,她通过对比使限制卡尔见解的唯意志论范式变得清晰可见。卡尔宣称,历史学家想要捕捉特定的鱼,所以他们选择如何捕捉。当然,事情并没有那么简单。生产了哪些种类的渔具?谁的需求和目标——以及谁对哪些鱼值得食用的假设——会随着时间的推移而形成钓具设计?当气候变化改变了洋流,改变了人们可能会考虑在食谱中使用的鱼类时,会发生什么?把研究人员的行为和选择放在重要位置的自我反思故事并不罕见(事实上,在某些学科中,这是司空见惯的)。但是,阐明使这些行动和选择成为可能的基础设施条件的工作是另一回事。布洛克不仅告诉我们她在找什么,为什么要找;她详细描述了制度、投资、技术和规范,这些使她以特定的方式获得特定种类的资源,塑造了她能看到的和不能看到的。今天的基础设施包括Ancestry.com及其大量的数字化人口普查、葬礼、运输和兵役记录;数百份19世纪的报纸,通过光学字符识别软件进行数字化和术语搜索;以及通过类似的可搜索的上个世纪历史学术(首先是JSTOR)的海量存储库,即时访问特定地点的上下文知识。布洛克明确指出了信息检索的新技术前景有多么重要。但她并不是一个技术决定论者。她坦率地指出,除了资料保存、获取和分析技术的变化之外,价值观和突出性的变化也带来了影响。阅读她对自己不断发展的研究的描述,我们看到所有这些组成部分是如何相互作用的,从而改变了哪些关于过去的问题看起来既有意义又可能是可以回答的——因此,哪些问题人们正在使用我们的……