Can India universalize social insurance before its demographic dividend ends?

IF 1.4 4区 经济学 Q3 ECONOMICS
Santosh Mehrotra
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It also estimates the fiscal cost of social insurance, for the first five years, and spells out the political economy, fiscal and administrative challenges to universalisation.Keywords: Retirement PoliciesJ 32 Non-wage Labour costs and benefitsJ46 Informal J26 labour markets Competing interestsThe authors report there are no competing interests to declare.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 No Consumption Expenditure Survey was conducted between 2012 and 2017–18. The 2017–18 survey was cancelled by the government, and new ones are underway at the time of writing (in 2022–23 and 2023–24). A debate has raged over the last few years on the extent of poverty. The 22% head count ratio remains the only official estimate for poverty. For our purposes, we have rounded off the estimate to 20% for this paper, as our own estimates of poverty suggest that there has been only a marginal decline in the poor as defined by the (Tendulkar) national poverty line, and given the lower GDP growth rate, poorer job creation, and stagnant or falling wages, the absolute number of poor has not fallen (Mehrotra and Parida Citation2021).2 The labour force survey questionnaire allows us to even find out what proportion of the workforce has a written contract or gets paid leave, but for our purposes we ignore those estimate.3 The author believes that Chopra and Puduserry (Citation2014) present a very balanced assessment of these pensions, since would see the effects of these pensions at the ground level as the head of Rural Development, Planning Commission of India soon after they were extended to poor widows and disabled, in addition to the elderly as a response to the global economic crisis (2008–09) on the poor.4 These are counted among the formal workforce of about 10% of the total workforce.5 These are governed by The Building and Other Constructions Workers (Regulation of Employment and Conditions of Service) Act, 1996; and Beedi Workers Welfare Cess Act 1976, pursuant to which Acts were also framed by Parliament to.6 Unorganised sector coverage through commercial schemes is only 1.2 per cent for personal accident insurance, 0.5 per cent for private health insurance, and 23 per cent for life insurance (O’Keefe Citation2006). These numbers have changed significantly for health insurance, as we have noted. They have also been increasing for life insurance as well, as private insurers have entered the market since 2005, and public sector insurers have also expanded operations.7 There is, however, a lump sum maternity benefit for mothers categorized as ‘poor’, who are given Rs 5000 (plus Rs 1000 for institutional delivery) which is outside this Code. The SS Code 2020 does not mention this non-contributory maternity benefit for poor pregnant mothers.8 Regular workers could exist in both the formal and informal sectors, although the majority of formal sector workers do have access to social insurance.9 The GST, launched on 1 July 2017, nationally, subsumes 17 different indirect taxes on goods and services, earlier levied by the federal and state governments, the most important of these being the state government determined VAT, which varied by state.10 Even after using the national poverty line as a marker for determining the ratio of the workforce that is covered by a non-contributory mechanism of SI, the identification of groups and households below this poverty line will still remain. This issue is discussed in Section “Social Security for Informal Workers: The Coverage and Architecture”.11 Mehrotra and Parida (forthcoming) estimate that between 2012 and 2020, the incidence of poverty hardly fell to 21%, but the absolute number of poor increased by 15 million to 285 million12 Even if some of these units are seasonal, the point is that they will come up again the following year; and even if units have a high death rate, that too is data worthy of capture for purposes of policy related to designing policy to support micro units.13 The World Bank (Citation2019) estimates that 56 million fell below the poverty line of $2.15 per person per day which is similar to the national (Tendulkar) poverty line, thanks to the economic manifestations of lockdowns during Covid, despite protective action by governments in India.14 The2019–20 average exchange rate was Rs75=$1.15 Gross National Income data from Ministry of Finance (Citation2022).16 Mehrotra (Citation2020) discusses (for the ILO) at length measures adopted in Asian countries to encourage formalization, and does a meta-analysis of these measures.17 Only 12 per cent of firms are such contractors, linked through production networks (Mehrotra and Giri Citation2023).Additional informationNotes on contributorsSantosh MehrotraSantosh Mehrotra, Visiting Prof, Centre for Development, Bath University, UK, was Professor of Econ, Centre for Labour, Jawaharlal Nehru University; also a Research Fellow, IZA Institute of Labour Economics, Bonn. He is also a Professorial Senior Fellow, Nehru Memorial Museum & Library. MA (Econ), New School for Social Research, New York; Phd (Econ) Cambridge University. Was head of UNICEF’s global research programme at Innocenti Research Centre, Florence, and chief economist, global Human Development Report New York (1991–2006). Head, Development Policy Division of India’s Planning Commission. Then Director General of National Institute of Labour Economics Research (2006–14). He has published 13 books (including 3 with Cambridge University Press, 4 with Oxford University Press, other by Sage, Routledge, Zed Press, Penguin). 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引用次数: 0

Abstract

AbstractAbout 91% of India’s workforce of 520 million is informal, lacking social insurance. However, this paper finds the Social Security Code 2020 wanting, but with potential for universalizing social insurance. The paper spells out the principles that should guide social insurance for informal workers; and presents the design and architecture for extending coverage. It shows how realistically, over the next 10–15 years, social insurance could cover the entire workforce, in accordance with ILO Conventions. It also estimates the fiscal cost of social insurance, for the first five years, and spells out the political economy, fiscal and administrative challenges to universalisation.Keywords: Retirement PoliciesJ 32 Non-wage Labour costs and benefitsJ46 Informal J26 labour markets Competing interestsThe authors report there are no competing interests to declare.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 No Consumption Expenditure Survey was conducted between 2012 and 2017–18. The 2017–18 survey was cancelled by the government, and new ones are underway at the time of writing (in 2022–23 and 2023–24). A debate has raged over the last few years on the extent of poverty. The 22% head count ratio remains the only official estimate for poverty. For our purposes, we have rounded off the estimate to 20% for this paper, as our own estimates of poverty suggest that there has been only a marginal decline in the poor as defined by the (Tendulkar) national poverty line, and given the lower GDP growth rate, poorer job creation, and stagnant or falling wages, the absolute number of poor has not fallen (Mehrotra and Parida Citation2021).2 The labour force survey questionnaire allows us to even find out what proportion of the workforce has a written contract or gets paid leave, but for our purposes we ignore those estimate.3 The author believes that Chopra and Puduserry (Citation2014) present a very balanced assessment of these pensions, since would see the effects of these pensions at the ground level as the head of Rural Development, Planning Commission of India soon after they were extended to poor widows and disabled, in addition to the elderly as a response to the global economic crisis (2008–09) on the poor.4 These are counted among the formal workforce of about 10% of the total workforce.5 These are governed by The Building and Other Constructions Workers (Regulation of Employment and Conditions of Service) Act, 1996; and Beedi Workers Welfare Cess Act 1976, pursuant to which Acts were also framed by Parliament to.6 Unorganised sector coverage through commercial schemes is only 1.2 per cent for personal accident insurance, 0.5 per cent for private health insurance, and 23 per cent for life insurance (O’Keefe Citation2006). These numbers have changed significantly for health insurance, as we have noted. They have also been increasing for life insurance as well, as private insurers have entered the market since 2005, and public sector insurers have also expanded operations.7 There is, however, a lump sum maternity benefit for mothers categorized as ‘poor’, who are given Rs 5000 (plus Rs 1000 for institutional delivery) which is outside this Code. The SS Code 2020 does not mention this non-contributory maternity benefit for poor pregnant mothers.8 Regular workers could exist in both the formal and informal sectors, although the majority of formal sector workers do have access to social insurance.9 The GST, launched on 1 July 2017, nationally, subsumes 17 different indirect taxes on goods and services, earlier levied by the federal and state governments, the most important of these being the state government determined VAT, which varied by state.10 Even after using the national poverty line as a marker for determining the ratio of the workforce that is covered by a non-contributory mechanism of SI, the identification of groups and households below this poverty line will still remain. This issue is discussed in Section “Social Security for Informal Workers: The Coverage and Architecture”.11 Mehrotra and Parida (forthcoming) estimate that between 2012 and 2020, the incidence of poverty hardly fell to 21%, but the absolute number of poor increased by 15 million to 285 million12 Even if some of these units are seasonal, the point is that they will come up again the following year; and even if units have a high death rate, that too is data worthy of capture for purposes of policy related to designing policy to support micro units.13 The World Bank (Citation2019) estimates that 56 million fell below the poverty line of $2.15 per person per day which is similar to the national (Tendulkar) poverty line, thanks to the economic manifestations of lockdowns during Covid, despite protective action by governments in India.14 The2019–20 average exchange rate was Rs75=$1.15 Gross National Income data from Ministry of Finance (Citation2022).16 Mehrotra (Citation2020) discusses (for the ILO) at length measures adopted in Asian countries to encourage formalization, and does a meta-analysis of these measures.17 Only 12 per cent of firms are such contractors, linked through production networks (Mehrotra and Giri Citation2023).Additional informationNotes on contributorsSantosh MehrotraSantosh Mehrotra, Visiting Prof, Centre for Development, Bath University, UK, was Professor of Econ, Centre for Labour, Jawaharlal Nehru University; also a Research Fellow, IZA Institute of Labour Economics, Bonn. He is also a Professorial Senior Fellow, Nehru Memorial Museum & Library. MA (Econ), New School for Social Research, New York; Phd (Econ) Cambridge University. Was head of UNICEF’s global research programme at Innocenti Research Centre, Florence, and chief economist, global Human Development Report New York (1991–2006). Head, Development Policy Division of India’s Planning Commission. Then Director General of National Institute of Labour Economics Research (2006–14). He has published 13 books (including 3 with Cambridge University Press, 4 with Oxford University Press, other by Sage, Routledge, Zed Press, Penguin). His work has been translated into Hindi, Spanish, French, Russian, German and Portuguese.
印度能否在人口红利结束前普及社会保险?
【摘要】印度5.2亿劳动力中约91%是非正式劳动力,缺乏社会保险。然而,本文发现《2020年社会保障法》仍有不足之处,但仍有普及社会保险的潜力。本文阐述了指导非正规职工社会保险的原则;并给出了扩展覆盖的设计和体系结构。它表明,根据国际劳工组织公约,在未来10-15年内,社会保险可以覆盖所有劳动力。报告还估算了前5年社会保险的财政成本,并详细说明了普及社会保险所面临的政治、经济、财政和行政方面的挑战。关键词:退休政策非工资劳动力成本与福利非正式劳动力市场竞争利益作者报告没有需要申报的竞争利益。披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。注1本调查于2012年至2017-18年期间进行。2017-18年的调查被政府取消,在撰写本文时正在进行新的调查(2022-23年和2023-24年)。在过去的几年里,关于贫困程度的争论一直很激烈。22%的人口比例仍然是官方对贫困人口的唯一估计。出于我们的目的,我们将本文的估计值取整为20%,因为我们自己对贫困的估计表明,按照(Tendulkar)国家贫困线的定义,贫困人口的数量只出现了小幅下降,考虑到较低的GDP增长率、较差的就业创造以及停滞或下降的工资,贫困人口的绝对数量并没有下降(Mehrotra和Parida Citation2021)劳动力调查问卷甚至可以让我们发现有多少比例的劳动力有书面合同或带薪休假,但为了我们的目的,我们忽略了这些估计作者认为,Chopra和Puduserry (Citation2014)对这些养老金进行了非常平衡的评估,因为在印度农村发展计划委员会的负责人将这些养老金扩展到贫穷的寡妇和残疾人之后不久,除了老年人之外,还会看到这些养老金在基层的影响,作为对全球经济危机(2008-09)对穷人的回应这些人算在正式劳动力中,约占总劳动力的10%这些是由1996年《建筑和其他建筑工人(就业和服务条件管理)法》管辖的;以及《1976年工人福利法案》,议会也根据该法案制定了法案通过商业计划的无组织部门的个人意外保险覆盖率仅为1.2%,私人健康保险覆盖率为0.5%,人寿保险覆盖率为23% (O 'Keefe Citation2006)。正如我们所指出的,这些数字在医疗保险方面发生了重大变化。随着私人保险公司自2005年以来进入市场,公共保险公司也扩大了业务,人寿保险的保费也在增加然而,对于被归类为“贫困”的母亲来说,有一笔一次性的产妇津贴,她们可以获得5000卢比(加上机构分娩的1000卢比),这超出了该法的范围。《2020年SS法典》没有提到贫困孕妇的这种非缴费性产假福利正规工人可以存在于正规和非正规部门,尽管大多数正规部门的工人确实有机会获得社会保险商品及服务税于2017年7月1日在全国范围内启动,包括17种不同的商品和服务间接税,这些间接税早先由联邦和州政府征收,其中最重要的是州政府确定的增值税,因州而异即使在使用国家贫困线作为确定非缴费机制所涵盖的劳动力比例的标志之后,仍将继续确定低于这一贫困线的群体和家庭。这个问题在“非正式工人的社会保障:覆盖范围和结构”一节中讨论Mehrotra和Parida(即将出版)估计,在2012年至2020年之间,贫困发生率几乎没有下降到21%,但贫困人口的绝对数量增加了1500万,达到2.85亿。即使其中一些是季节性的,关键是它们将在第二年再次出现;13 .即使单位的死亡率很高,这也是值得收集的数据,以便制定支持微型单位的政策世界银行(Citation2019)估计,尽管印度政府采取了保护措施,但由于疫情期间封锁的经济表现,仍有5600万人生活在每人每天2.15美元的贫困线以下,这与国家(Tendulkar)贫困线相似。财政部(Citation2022)的数据显示,2019 - 20年平均汇率为75卢比= 1.15美元。 16 Mehrotra (Citation2020)详细讨论了(为国际劳工组织)亚洲国家为鼓励正规化而采取的措施,并对这些措施进行了荟萃分析只有12%的公司是这种通过生产网络联系起来的承包商(Mehrotra和Giri Citation2023)。作者简介santosh Mehrotra,英国巴斯大学发展中心客座教授,贾瓦哈拉尔·尼赫鲁大学劳工中心经济学教授;也是波恩IZA劳动经济研究所的研究员。他也是尼赫鲁纪念博物馆和图书馆的教授高级研究员。纽约新社会研究学院经济学硕士;剑桥大学经济学博士。曾任佛罗伦萨因诺森蒂研究中心联合国儿童基金会全球研究项目负责人,《纽约全球人类发展报告》首席经济学家(1991-2006)。印度计划委员会发展政策司司长。时任国家劳动经济研究所所长(2006-14)。他出版了13本书(其中3本与剑桥大学出版社合作,4本与牛津大学出版社合作,其他由Sage, Routledge, Zed Press, Penguin出版社合作)。他的作品被翻译成印地语、西班牙语、法语、俄语、德语和葡萄牙语。
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来源期刊
CiteScore
3.70
自引率
7.10%
发文量
58
期刊介绍: Journal of the Asia Pacific Economy (JAPE) is concerned primarily with the developing economies within Pacific Asia and South Asia. It aims to promote greater understanding of the complex factors that have influenced and continue to shape the transformation of the diverse economies in this region. Studies on developed countries will be considered only if they have implications for the developing countries in the region. The journal''s editorial policy is to maintain a sound balance between theoretical and empirical studies. JAPE publishes research papers in economics but also welcomes papers that deal with economic issues using a multi-disciplinary approach. Submissions may range from overviews spanning the region or parts of it, to papers with a detailed focus on particular issues facing individual countries. JAPE has a broad readership, which makes papers concerned with narrow and detailed technical matters inappropriate for inclusion. In addition, papers should not be simply one more application of a formal model or statistical technique used elsewhere. Authors should note that discussion of results must make sense intuitively, and relate to the institutional and historical context of the geographic area analyzed. We particularly ask authors to spell out the practical policy implications of their findings for governments and business. In addition to articles, JAPE publishes short notes, comments and book reviews. From time to time, it also publishes special issues on matters of great importance to economies in the Asia Pacific area.
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