{"title":"Missionaries and Modernity: Education in the British Empire, 1830–1910","authors":"Jenna M. Gibbs","doi":"10.5325/jmorahist.23.2.0157","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"Felicity Jensz’s deeply researched, well-written monograph, Missionaries and Modernity: Education in the British Empire, 1830–1910, is an ambitious, transnational analysis of the “civilizing” imperative of empire, education, and missionizing in both colonies and metropole. Jensz focuses throughout on the confluences yet conflicts between governmental and mission education agendas in diverse geopolitical and chronological colonial contexts. Throughout, she argues for the tension between, on the one hand, “colonial modernity” (a term coined by David Scott to broadly describe colonial governments’ attempts to “modernize” colonial subjects through, for example, voting, political participation and secular education) and, on the other hand, what Jensz dubs “missionary modernity.” Missionary modernity, Jensz posits, was a religious, rather than political, rationale that encompassed the liberal ideas of colonial modernity—“economic independence of individuals . . . universal education, and female emancipation from ‘traditional’ roles” (2–3), yet also transcended those secular goals by making central the goal instilling of “church order and moral discipline to shape non-Europeans into religious subjects” (3). Jensz posits that there was a “constant struggle to reconcile missionary and government ideals” (26), one that manifested in site-specific ways in various colonial and chronological contexts.To illustrate this ongoing struggle between colonial and missionary modernity, she fruitfully hinges her analysis on the intersections between mission directives, governmental institutional organizations, parliamentary activities, and discourses in pivotal axes that include: the Negro Educational Grant and subsequent 1838 parliamentary reports on post-emancipation education in the British West Indies (chap. 1); the Select Committee on Aborigines, founded in 1836–37 to provide oversight of the education and treatment of indigenous people in British settlements such as South Africa, New Zealand, and Australia (chap. 2); the 1860 Liverpool Missionary Conference and its focus on female education (chap. 3); the mid-to-late nineteenth-century secularization of mission schools through colonial governmental interventions in Sri Lanka and elsewhere (chap. 4); and the Edinburgh World Missionary Conference of 1920 (chap. 5). The conflict between the goals of colonial and missionary education peaked at the Edinburgh conference with the findings of a commissioned report compiled by European and Euro-American missionary educators, Education in Relation to the Christianisation of National Life. The report revealed a crisis for missionary education that was galvanized by the increasingly secular education implemented by colonial governments.One of the great strengths of the book is that, while Jensz sustains throughout her overarching argument about the competing ideas of colonial and missionary modernity, she pays nuanced attention to how this plays out disparately in different sites and time periods. For example, chapter 2’s discussion of the Select Committee on Aborigines builds upon the previous chapter on the Negro Educational Grant to show that “modernising ‘progress’ was equated with the moral and religious ‘improvement’ of non-European populations in the British colonies.” Yet, the chapter simultaneously demonstrates that the Committee’s proposed religious instruction and education was “a much less liberal phrase” and intent than the goals of religious and moral education “debated in relation to the Negro Education Grant” (81). Jensz explains that this less liberal intent, despite the Aborigines Committee of 1836–1837 representing what many historians see as the zenith of humanitarian concern for Indigenous peoples throughout the empire, was born both of deepening racialist attitudes and a conviction that education in, for example, Australia and South Africa, was “compensation for British settler imperialism” (110).Indeed, Jensz takes great care in contextualizing and contrasting each of her analytical foci. Thus, she carefully interprets the Liverpool Missionary Conference into the particularities of emergent Christian views of women and their role in raising “the new generation of Christian subjects in colonial spaces” in the 1860s. Similarly, she probes the prewar zeitgeist of the Edinburgh World Missionary Conference of 1910, which prompted missionary groups to reconfigure their educational efforts to take “local conditions into consideration” (224). Jensz leads her reader securely through the changing dynamics of the sometimes colluding, sometimes conflicting dynamics of colonial government versus missionary society goals of “civilizing” and “modernizing” colonial subjects through education, adroitly demonstrating the shifting denouement of these goals from the 1830s to the 1910s.Although Jensz’s primary analytic lens is institutional—government committees, mission societies, and conferences—the writing is not dry. To the contrary, Jensz makes the book a lively read by populating it with individuals who are at once peculiar to a specific cultural moment and site, yet also emblematic of the larger twists and turns of competing colonial governmental and missionary educational and “civilizing” discourses and initiatives. To offer a few examples: In chapter 2’s discussion of the Negro Educational Grant we meet Charles Joseph Latrobe, commissioned by Parliament to produce reports on post-emancipation education in the British West Indies, and the Duke of Wellington, Sir Arthur Wellesley, who opposed nonconformist “liberal and comprehensive education (51). Chapter 4’s analysis of religious schools and colonial government in Sri Lanka includes a subsection, “Autobiographical notes from local teachers,” in which the reader learns the views of educators on the ground. A particularly striking example of how Jensz uses individual biographies to illuminate the larger issues comes in chapter 5, when we meet Behari Lal Singh, a Free Church of Scotland preacher in what was then Calcutta, who was an advocate of female education in Bengal in the mid-nineteenth century as “essential for the morality of a colonized society” (123); educated women were thus key to the development of missionary modernity. He was a vocal contributor to the debates about female education at the Liverpool Missionary Conference of 1860. Lal Singh’s work in female education and his personal biography typify how Jensz brings to life the ways in which individual human personalities and foibles interacted with the larger contours of colonial governmental and missionary attempts at education and “modernization.”This last point brings me to one critical quibble: throughout Missionaries and Modernity, Jensz uses “modernity,” “modernization,” and “modernizing” somewhat interchangeably and without precise conceptual clarity. These terms are also sometimes used interchangeably with “secularization.” For example, when discussing the Liverpool Missionary Conference Jensz concludes, “modernity brought with it secularisation and subsequently tension between missionary and government bodies, as well as local people” (151). The meaning of the term “modernity” is in and of itself contested by historians, as is “modernization.” Jensz herself concedes that there is “no master narrative” of the “continuum between the Enlightenment, modernisation and secularisation” (13). To be sure, as already noted, she defines quite precisely what she means by missionary (versus colonial) modernity. Nonetheless, it would have been helpful if she had pinned down more discretely the amorphous and sprawling meanings of “modernity,” “modernization,” and “modernizing” such that the liberal sprinkling of these terms through different geopolitical sites and time periods was rendered more conceptually discriminate and precise.Missionaries and Modernity is an invaluable contribution to the burgeoning fields of mission studies, education, and humanitarianism, and should be a key assigned reading for numerous graduate courses as well as a discursive linchpin for any further discussion of imperialism, mission education, and competing definitions of “modernity” and subjecthood.","PeriodicalId":40312,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Moravian History","volume":"193 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2000,"publicationDate":"2023-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Journal of Moravian History","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.5325/jmorahist.23.2.0157","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"0","JCRName":"RELIGION","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Abstract
Felicity Jensz’s deeply researched, well-written monograph, Missionaries and Modernity: Education in the British Empire, 1830–1910, is an ambitious, transnational analysis of the “civilizing” imperative of empire, education, and missionizing in both colonies and metropole. Jensz focuses throughout on the confluences yet conflicts between governmental and mission education agendas in diverse geopolitical and chronological colonial contexts. Throughout, she argues for the tension between, on the one hand, “colonial modernity” (a term coined by David Scott to broadly describe colonial governments’ attempts to “modernize” colonial subjects through, for example, voting, political participation and secular education) and, on the other hand, what Jensz dubs “missionary modernity.” Missionary modernity, Jensz posits, was a religious, rather than political, rationale that encompassed the liberal ideas of colonial modernity—“economic independence of individuals . . . universal education, and female emancipation from ‘traditional’ roles” (2–3), yet also transcended those secular goals by making central the goal instilling of “church order and moral discipline to shape non-Europeans into religious subjects” (3). Jensz posits that there was a “constant struggle to reconcile missionary and government ideals” (26), one that manifested in site-specific ways in various colonial and chronological contexts.To illustrate this ongoing struggle between colonial and missionary modernity, she fruitfully hinges her analysis on the intersections between mission directives, governmental institutional organizations, parliamentary activities, and discourses in pivotal axes that include: the Negro Educational Grant and subsequent 1838 parliamentary reports on post-emancipation education in the British West Indies (chap. 1); the Select Committee on Aborigines, founded in 1836–37 to provide oversight of the education and treatment of indigenous people in British settlements such as South Africa, New Zealand, and Australia (chap. 2); the 1860 Liverpool Missionary Conference and its focus on female education (chap. 3); the mid-to-late nineteenth-century secularization of mission schools through colonial governmental interventions in Sri Lanka and elsewhere (chap. 4); and the Edinburgh World Missionary Conference of 1920 (chap. 5). The conflict between the goals of colonial and missionary education peaked at the Edinburgh conference with the findings of a commissioned report compiled by European and Euro-American missionary educators, Education in Relation to the Christianisation of National Life. The report revealed a crisis for missionary education that was galvanized by the increasingly secular education implemented by colonial governments.One of the great strengths of the book is that, while Jensz sustains throughout her overarching argument about the competing ideas of colonial and missionary modernity, she pays nuanced attention to how this plays out disparately in different sites and time periods. For example, chapter 2’s discussion of the Select Committee on Aborigines builds upon the previous chapter on the Negro Educational Grant to show that “modernising ‘progress’ was equated with the moral and religious ‘improvement’ of non-European populations in the British colonies.” Yet, the chapter simultaneously demonstrates that the Committee’s proposed religious instruction and education was “a much less liberal phrase” and intent than the goals of religious and moral education “debated in relation to the Negro Education Grant” (81). Jensz explains that this less liberal intent, despite the Aborigines Committee of 1836–1837 representing what many historians see as the zenith of humanitarian concern for Indigenous peoples throughout the empire, was born both of deepening racialist attitudes and a conviction that education in, for example, Australia and South Africa, was “compensation for British settler imperialism” (110).Indeed, Jensz takes great care in contextualizing and contrasting each of her analytical foci. Thus, she carefully interprets the Liverpool Missionary Conference into the particularities of emergent Christian views of women and their role in raising “the new generation of Christian subjects in colonial spaces” in the 1860s. Similarly, she probes the prewar zeitgeist of the Edinburgh World Missionary Conference of 1910, which prompted missionary groups to reconfigure their educational efforts to take “local conditions into consideration” (224). Jensz leads her reader securely through the changing dynamics of the sometimes colluding, sometimes conflicting dynamics of colonial government versus missionary society goals of “civilizing” and “modernizing” colonial subjects through education, adroitly demonstrating the shifting denouement of these goals from the 1830s to the 1910s.Although Jensz’s primary analytic lens is institutional—government committees, mission societies, and conferences—the writing is not dry. To the contrary, Jensz makes the book a lively read by populating it with individuals who are at once peculiar to a specific cultural moment and site, yet also emblematic of the larger twists and turns of competing colonial governmental and missionary educational and “civilizing” discourses and initiatives. To offer a few examples: In chapter 2’s discussion of the Negro Educational Grant we meet Charles Joseph Latrobe, commissioned by Parliament to produce reports on post-emancipation education in the British West Indies, and the Duke of Wellington, Sir Arthur Wellesley, who opposed nonconformist “liberal and comprehensive education (51). Chapter 4’s analysis of religious schools and colonial government in Sri Lanka includes a subsection, “Autobiographical notes from local teachers,” in which the reader learns the views of educators on the ground. A particularly striking example of how Jensz uses individual biographies to illuminate the larger issues comes in chapter 5, when we meet Behari Lal Singh, a Free Church of Scotland preacher in what was then Calcutta, who was an advocate of female education in Bengal in the mid-nineteenth century as “essential for the morality of a colonized society” (123); educated women were thus key to the development of missionary modernity. He was a vocal contributor to the debates about female education at the Liverpool Missionary Conference of 1860. Lal Singh’s work in female education and his personal biography typify how Jensz brings to life the ways in which individual human personalities and foibles interacted with the larger contours of colonial governmental and missionary attempts at education and “modernization.”This last point brings me to one critical quibble: throughout Missionaries and Modernity, Jensz uses “modernity,” “modernization,” and “modernizing” somewhat interchangeably and without precise conceptual clarity. These terms are also sometimes used interchangeably with “secularization.” For example, when discussing the Liverpool Missionary Conference Jensz concludes, “modernity brought with it secularisation and subsequently tension between missionary and government bodies, as well as local people” (151). The meaning of the term “modernity” is in and of itself contested by historians, as is “modernization.” Jensz herself concedes that there is “no master narrative” of the “continuum between the Enlightenment, modernisation and secularisation” (13). To be sure, as already noted, she defines quite precisely what she means by missionary (versus colonial) modernity. Nonetheless, it would have been helpful if she had pinned down more discretely the amorphous and sprawling meanings of “modernity,” “modernization,” and “modernizing” such that the liberal sprinkling of these terms through different geopolitical sites and time periods was rendered more conceptually discriminate and precise.Missionaries and Modernity is an invaluable contribution to the burgeoning fields of mission studies, education, and humanitarianism, and should be a key assigned reading for numerous graduate courses as well as a discursive linchpin for any further discussion of imperialism, mission education, and competing definitions of “modernity” and subjecthood.
相反,詹斯在书中加入了一些人物,这些人物既是特定文化时刻和地点的特有人物,也是殖民政府和传教士教育以及“文明”话语和倡议的更大曲折的象征,使这本书读起来生动有趣。举几个例子:在第二章关于黑人教育拨款的讨论中,我们遇到了查尔斯·约瑟夫·拉特罗布,他受议会委托撰写关于英属西印度群岛解放后教育的报告,还有惠灵顿公爵阿瑟·韦尔斯利爵士,他反对不符合传统的“自由和综合教育”(51页)。第四章分析了斯里兰卡的宗教学校和殖民政府,其中包括一个小节,“当地教师的自传笔记”,读者从中了解到当地教育工作者的观点。在第五章中,我们看到了贝哈里·拉尔·辛格(Behari Lal Singh),她是当时加尔各答的苏格兰自由教会(Free Church of Scotland)的传教士,19世纪中期,她在孟加拉倡导女性教育,认为这是“殖民地社会道德的必要条件”(123)。因此,受过教育的妇女是传教现代性发展的关键。在1860年的利物浦传教士会议上,他积极参与了关于女性教育的辩论。拉尔·辛格(Lal Singh)在女性教育方面的工作和他的个人传记是詹斯如何将个人个性和弱点与殖民政府和传教士在教育和“现代化”方面的更大范围的尝试相互作用的方式呈现出来的典型。这最后一点让我想到了一个关键的问题:在《传教士与现代性》中,詹斯使用“现代性”、“现代化”和“现代化”这三个词,在某种程度上是可以互换的,没有明确的概念。这些术语有时也与“世俗化”交替使用。例如,在讨论利物浦传教士会议时,詹森总结道,“现代性带来了世俗化,随后在传教士和政府机构以及当地人之间产生了紧张关系”(151)。“现代性”一词的含义本身就受到历史学家的争议,“现代化”也是如此。Jensz自己也承认,对于“启蒙运动、现代化和世俗化之间的连续体”,“没有主宰叙事”(13)。可以肯定的是,正如已经提到的,她非常准确地定义了她所说的传教士(相对于殖民)现代性。尽管如此,如果她能更精确地界定“现代性”、“现代化”和“现代化”这些模糊而杂乱的含义,使这些术语在不同的地缘政治地点和时期的自由散布,在概念上更有区别和精确,那将会有所帮助。《传教士与现代性》对传教研究、教育和人道主义等新兴领域做出了宝贵的贡献,应该成为许多研究生课程的关键指定读物,也应该成为任何进一步讨论帝国主义、传教教育以及“现代性”和主体性的竞争性定义的话语关键。