How small states break oil sanctions: Israel’s oil import strategy in the 1970s

IF 1.3 2区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS
Elai Rettig, Ziv Rubinovitz
{"title":"How small states break oil sanctions: Israel’s oil import strategy in the 1970s","authors":"Elai Rettig, Ziv Rubinovitz","doi":"10.1080/01402390.2023.2271175","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTThis article argues that small oil-importing states are particularly adept at circumventing oil sanctions and leveraging them to further expand their own markets. It points to the unique advantages and necessary preconditions that make small states successful in their search for ‘sanctions busters’ in the global oil market, especially when approaching countries that recently became oil exporters. Using declassified Israeli, British and US archival material, this article sheds light on how Israel capitalized on the 1973 Arab oil embargo to gain access to Ecuador’s market through its oil sector, but failed to repeat this success in Norway and the United Kingdom.KEYWORDS: Oilsanctions bustingsmall statesIsraelembargo Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.Notes1 Nicholas Mulder, The Economic Weapon: The Rise of Sanctions as a Tool of Modern War (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press 2022).2 UN Security Council, ‘SC/13141 – Security Council Tightens Sanctions on Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, Unanimously Adopting Resolution 2397’, 22 December 2017, https://press.un.org/en/2017/sc13141.doc.htm.3 Phillip Brown, Oil Market Effects from US Economic Sanctions: Iran, Russia, Venezuela (Washington, DC: Congressional Research Service, 2020).4 US Department of Treasury, ‘Treasury Expands Burma-Related Sanctions and Designates Additional Jet Fuel Suppliers in Burma’, Press Release, 23 August 2023.5 US Congress, ‘S.4407 – China Oil Export Prohibition Act of 2022’, 15 June 2022. https://www.congress.gov/bill/117th-congress/senate-bill/4407/amendments?r=2&s=1.6 Yangyang Chen et al., ‘Impact Assessment of Energy Sanctions in Geo-conflict: Russian – Ukrainian War’, Energy Reports 9 (2023), 3082–3095.7 Blake Clayton and Michael Levi, ‘The Surprising Sources of Oil’s Influence’, Survival 54/6 (2012), 107–122; Llewelyn Hughes and Eugene Gholz, ‘Energy, Coercive Diplomacy, and Sanctions’, in Thijs Van de Graaf, Benjamin K. Sovacool, Arunabha Ghosh, Florian Kern and Michael T. Klare (eds.), The Palgrave Handbook of the International Political Economy of Energy (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2016), 487–504; Emma Ashford, ‘Not-so-smart Sanctions: The Failure of Western Restrictions against Russia’, Foreign Affairs 95/1 (2016), 114–123.8 Dursun Peksen, ‘When Do Imposed Economic Sanctions Work? A Critical Review of the Sanctions Effectiveness Literature’, Defence and Peace Economics 30/6 (2019), 635–647.9 Itay Fischhendler, Lior Herman and Nir Maoz, ‘The Political Economy of Energy Sanctions: Insights from a Global Outlook 1938–2017’, Energy Research and Social Science 34 (2017), 62–71.10 Bryan R. Early, ‘Sleeping with Your Friends’ Enemies: An Explanation of Sanctions-Busting Trade’, International Studies Quarterly 53/1 (2009), 49–71; Early, ‘Unmasking the Black Knights: Sanctions Busters and Their Effects on the Success of Economic Sanctions’, Foreign Policy Analysis 7/4 (2011), 381–402; Jonathan Golub, ‘Improving Analyses of Sanctions Busting’, Peace Economics, Peace Science and Public Policy 26/2 (2020), 20190043.11 David M. Rowe, Manipulating the Market: Understanding Economic Sanctions, Institutional Change, and the Political Unity of White Rhodesia (Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press, 2001).12 Neta C. Crawford, ‘Oil Sanctions Against Apartheid’, in Neta C. Crawford and Audie Klotz (eds.), How Sanctions Work: Lessons from South Africa (Basingstoke, UK: Palgrave Macmillan, 1999), 103–126.13 Frederic S. Pearson, ‘Netherlands Foreign Policy and the 1973–74 Oil Embargo – The Effects of Transnationalism’, UMSL Global Occasional Papers 787 (1978); Crawford, ‘Oil Sanctions Against Apartheid’.14 Karen Smith Stegen, ‘Deconstructing the “Energy Weapon”: Russia’s Threat to Europe as Case Study’, Energy Policy 39/10 (2011), 6505–6513; Laura El-Katiri, and Bassam Fattouh, ‘On Oil Embargos and the Myth of the Iranian Oil Weapon’, Energy Comment (The Oxford Institute for Energy Studies, 2012), https://www.oxfordenergy.org/publications/on-oil-embargos-and-the-myth-of-the-iranian-oil-weapon-2/.15 Jeff D. Colgan, ‘The Emperor Has No Clothes: The Limits of OPEC in the Global Oil Market’, International Organization 68/3 (2014), 599–632; Eugene Gholz and Daryl G. Press, ‘Protecting “the Prize”: Oil and the US National Interest’, Security Studies 19/3 (2010), 453–485; Hughes and Gholz, ‘Energy, Coercive Diplomacy, and Sanctions’.16 Wojtek M. Wolfe and Brock F. Tessman, ‘China’s Global Equity Oil Investments: Economic and Geopolitical Influences’, Journal of Strategic Studies 35/2 (2012), 175–196; Adam William Chalmers and Susanna Theresia Mocker, ‘The End of Exceptionalism? Explaining Chinese National Oil Companies’ Overseas Investments’, Review of International Political Economy 24/1 (2017), 119–143.17 Dursun Peksen, ‘Better or Worse? The Effect of Economic Sanctions on Human Rights’, Journal of Peace Research 46/1 (2009), 59–77.18 Christopher R. W. Dietrich, Oil Revolution (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2017); Giuliano Garavini, The Rise and Fall of OPEC in the Twentieth Century (Oxford: Oxford University Press 2019).19 Llewelyn Hughes and Austin Long, ‘Is There an Oil Weapon?: Security Implications of Changes in the Structure of the International Oil Market’, International Security 39/3 (2014), 152–189.20 Lior Herman and Itay Fischhendler, ‘Energy as a Rewarding and Punitive Foreign Policy Instrument: The Case of Israeli – Palestinian Relations’, Studies in Conflict & Terrorism 44/6 (2021), 495–520.21 Fischhendler, Herman and Maoz, ‘The Political Economy of Energy Sanctions’.22 Bryan R. Early and Timothy M. Peterson, ‘Does Punishing Sanctions Busters Work? Sanctions Enforcement and US Trade with Sanctioned States’, Political Research Quarterly 75/3 (2022), 782–796.23 Early, ‘Unmasking the Black Knights’; Golub, ‘Improving Analyses of Sanctions Busting’; Lisa L. Martin, Coercive Cooperation: Explaining Multilateral Economic Sanctions (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1992).24 Bryan R. Early, Busted Sanctions: Explaining Why Economic Sanctions Fail (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2015).25 Martin, Coercive Cooperation.26 Ibid.27 Early, ‘Sleeping with Your Friends’ Enemies’.28 Llewelyn Hughes and Phillip Y. Lipscy, ‘The Politics of Energy’, Annual Review of Political Science 16 (2013), 449–469.29 Clayton and Levi, ‘The Surprising Sources of Oil’s Influence’.30 Daniel Yergin, ‘Ensuring Energy Security’, Foreign Affairs 85/2 (2006), 69–82.31 Aliaksandr Piahanau, ‘”Each Wagon of Coal Should Be Paid for with Territorial concessions”: Hungary, Czechoslovakia, and the Coal Shortage in 1918–21’, Diplomacy & Statecraft 34/1 (2023), 86–116.32 Caroline Kuzemko, Andrew Lawrence, and Matthew Watson, ‘New Directions in the International Political Economy of Energy’, Review of International Political Economy 26/1 (2019), 1–24.33 Daniel Scholten (ed.), The Geopolitics of Renewables (Cham, Switzerland: Springer 2018).34 Charles L. Glaser and Rosemary A. Kelanic (eds.), Crude Strategy: Rethinking the US Military Commitment to Defend Persian Gulf Oil (Washington, DC: Georgetown University Press 2016); Michael T. Klare, ‘Oil, Iraq, and American Foreign Policy: The Continuing Salience of the Carter Doctrine’, International Journal 62/1 (2007), 31–42.35 Macartan Humphreys, Jeffrey Sachs, and Joseph Stiglitz (eds.), Escaping the Resource Curse (New York: Columbia University Press 2007).36 José R. López-Cálix, Peter Walkenhorst, and Ndiamé Diop (eds.), Trade Competitiveness of the Middle East and North Africa: Policies for Export Diversification (Washington, DC: World Bank Publications, 2010), https://citeseerx.ist.psu.edu/document?repid=rep1&type=pdf&doi=4383a937cc20d474be2f2a8c5e71e97e46d4da5a; Catherine Locatelli, ‘Gazprom’s Export Strategies under the Institutional Constraint of the Russian Gas Market’, OPEC Energy Review 32/3 (2008), 246–264.37 Thijs Van de Graaf and Jeff D. Colgan, ‘Russian Gas Games or Well-Oiled conflict? Energy Security and the 2014 Ukraine Crisis’, Energy Research & Social Science 24 (2017), 59–64.38 Richard Lapper, ‘Living with Hugo: US Policy Toward Hugo Chávez’s Venezuela’. CSR No. 20 (New York: Council on Foreign Relations Press 2006), https://www.files.ethz.ch/isn/26344/2006-11_VenezuelaCSR.pdf.39 Angela. E. Stent, From Embargo to Ostpolitik: The Political Economy of West German-Soviet Relations, 1955–1980 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 2003).40 Jan Willem Honig, ‘The Tyranny of Doctrine and Modern Strategy: Small (and Large) States in a Double Bind’, Journal of Strategic Studies 39/2 (2016), 261–279.41 Kenneth N. Waltz, Theory of International Politics (Long Grove, IL: Waveland Press 2010), 153.42 Gail Cohen, Frederick Joutz, and Prakash Loungani, ‘Measuring Energy Security: Trends in the Diversification of Oil and Natural Gas Supplies’, Energy Policy 39/9 (2011), 4860–4869; Vlado Vivoda, ‘Diversification of Oil Import Sources and Energy Security: A Key Strategy or an Elusive Objective?’, Energy Policy 37/11 (2009), 4615–4623.43 Luca Anceschi, ‘Turkmenistan and the Virtual Politics of Eurasian Energy: The Case of the TAPI Pipeline Project’, Central Asian Survey 36/4 (2017), 409–429.44 Gallia Lindenstrauss, ‘Israel-Azerbaijan: Despite the Constraints, a Special Relationship’, Strategic Assessment 17/4 (2015), 69–79.45 Tuncay Babali, ‘Prospects of Export Routes for Kashagan Oil’, Energy Policy 37/4 (2009), 1298–1308.46 Mario Queiroz, ‘Oil Lubricates Equatorial Guinea’s Entry into Portuguese Language Community’, Inter Press Service, 25 July 2014.47 Gëzim Visoka and John Doyle, ‘Neo‐Functional Peace: The European Union Way of Resolving Conflicts’, JCMS: Journal of Common Market Studies 54/4 (2016), 862–877.48 Antje Wiener, European Integration Theory (New York: Oxford University Press, 2019).49 Edward Newman and Gëzim Visoka, ‘The Foreign Policy of State Recognition: Kosovo’s Diplomatic Strategy to Join International Society’, Foreign Policy Analysis 14/3 (2018), 367–387.50 Jonathan Nitzan and Shimshon Bichler, ‘Bringing Capital Accumulation Back In: The Weapondollar‐Petrodollar Coalition‐Military Contractors, Oil Companies and Middle East “Energy Conflicts”’, Review of International Political Economy 2/3 (1995), 446–515.51 Vincenzo Bove, Claudio Deiana, and Roberto Nisticò, ‘Global Arms Trade and Oil Dependence’, The Journal of Law, Economics, and Organization 34/2 (2018), 272–299.52 Crawford, ‘Oil Sanctions Against Apartheid’; Rowe, Manipulating the Market.53 Gawdat Bahgat, ‘Alternative Energy in Israel: Opportunities and Risks’, Israel Affairs 20/1 (2014), 1–18.54 Uri Bialer, Oil and the Arab-Israeli Conflict − 1948–1963 (London: Palgrave Macmillan 1999).55 Bialer, Oil and the Arab-Israeli Conflict; Uri Bialer, Israeli Foreign Policy: APeople Shall Not Dwell Alone (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press 2020); Yuval Elizur and Eliahu Salpeter, Israel‘s Oil Adventure: How the Embargo Was Overcome (Tel Aviv: Zmora-Bitan 1999) (Hebrew), 145; Michael Stark, Memorandum, ‘Israel’s oil supplies’, TNA, FCO 93/2103, 18 January 1979; Lindenstrauss, ‘Israel-Azerbaijan’; Michael B. Bishku, ‘The Relations of the Central Asian Republics of Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan with Israel’, Middle Eastern Studies 48/6 (2012), 927–940; Simon Henderson, Bilal Wahab, and Henry Rome, ‘Israel May Lose Oil Access in Baghdad-Kurdish Deal’, The Washington Institute for Near East Policy, 13 April 202356 Bialer, Oil and the Arab-Israeli Conflict, 23557 Yossi Alpher, Periphery: Israel’s Search for Middle East Allies (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield 2015).58 Steve Marsh, ‘The Special Relationship and the Anglo-Iranian Oil Crisis, 1950–4’, Review of International Studies 24/4 (1998), 529–544.59 Arthur Jay Klinghoffer, ‘The Political Economy of Soviet-Israeli Oil Relations, 1948–1967’, International Relations 5/4 (1976), 1112–1120.60 Bialer, Oil and the Arab-Israeli Conflict, 171.61 Uri Bialer, ‘Fuel Bridge across the Middle East – Israel, Iran, and the Eilat-Ashkelon Oil Pipeline’, Israel Studies 12/3 (2007), 29–67.62 Trita Parsi, Treacherous Alliance: The Secret Dealings of Israel, Iran, and the United States (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press 2007), 74–78.63 Neta Feniger and Rachel Kallus, ‘Israeli Planning in the Shah’s Iran: A Forgotten Episode’, Planning Perspectives 30/2 (2015), 231–251.64 Elizur and Salpeter, Israel‘s Oil Adventure.65 Bialer, Israeli Foreign Policy.66 Elizur and Salpeter, Israel‘s Oil Adventure, 146, 193.67 Uri Bar-Joseph, ‘Forecasting a Hurricane: Israeli and American Estimations of the Khomeini Revolution’, Journal of Strategic Studies 36/5 (2013), 718–742.68 Bruce Andre Beaubouef, The Strategic Petroleum Reserve: U.S. Energy Security and Oil Politics, 1975–2005 (College Station, TX: Texas A&M University Press, 2007), 1669 Henry Kamm, ‘Israel Expects Oil Flow to Go On’, New York Times, 25 January 1974, p. 3.70 S. J. Randall, ‘The 1970s Arab-OPEC Oil Embargo and Latin America’, H-Energy (2013), p. 371 Reuters, ‘Ecuador to Act Independently from OPEC’, New York Times, p. 66. ISA MFA 3284/15. 17 September 1974; Ministry of Foreign Affairs, State of Israel, ‘Ecuador es cola de un camello en OPEP, dicen’, El Tiempo, 29 July 1975. Enclosed in Yitzhak Shefi, Memorandum for Yaari, Shmuel, ‘Ecuador and OPEC’, ISA MFA 3284/8, 31 July 1975.72 Arie M. Kacowicz, ‘Triangular Relations: Israel, Latin American Jewry, and Latin American Countries in a Changing International Context, 1967–2017’, Israel Journal of Foreign Affairs 11/2 (2017), 203–215.73 Robert C. Feenstra et al., ‘World Trade Flows: 1962–2000’, National Bureau of Economic Research (2005).74 Yosef Shofman, Letter, ‘Venezuela’s Oil Problems (with Relations to the Arab States) and Their Implications on Relations with Us’, ISA MFA 3251/1, 13 Mar. 1972.75 Bialer, Oil and the Arab-Israeli Conflict, 130–132.76 Gad Elron, ‘Ecuador’, Memorandum for Shimon Amir, ISA MFA 3284/15, 17 June 1974.77 Ibid.78 Yaakov Ben-Ami, Telegram 21 to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, ISA MFA 3284/15, 6 March 1974; Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Economic Division, State of Israel, Telegram 159 to the embassy in Quito, ISA MFA 3284/15, 30 April 1974; Sadot and Harlev, Telegram 54 to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, ISA MFA 3284/15, 10 April 1974.79 Bishara Bahbah and Linda Butler, Israel and Latin America (Houndmills, Basingstoke, UK: Macmillan, 1986), 114.80 Eshel, ‘Weapons to Ecuador’, Memorandum for Director General of the MFA, ISA MFA 3520/10, 23 December 1965.81 Yitzhak Shefi, Urgent Telegram no. 59 to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, ISA MFA 3284/15, 29 January 1975.82 Ido Dissentchik, ‘Ecuador President: We Will Continue Selling Oil to Israel’, Maariv, 22 July 1979, p. 1 (Hebrew).83 Feenstra et al., ‘World Trade Flows’.84 Shmuel Sivan, ‘Appointing an Economic Representative in Ecuador’, ISA MFA 3284/8, 19 November 1975.85 Bahbah and Butler, Israel and Latin America, 114.86 Ibid, 114–11587 Cyrus R. Vance, ‘Memorandum for the President’, Presidential Papers of Jimmy Carter; Plains File; Subject File: State Department Evening Reports 10/79 through State Department Evening Reports 10/80; Box 40, folder State Department Evening Reports 11/79, 27 November 1979, p. 3.88 Ziv Rubinovitz and Elai Rettig, ‘Crude Peace: The Role of Oil Trade in the Israeli-Egyptian Peace Negotiations’, International Studies Quarterly 62/2 (2018), 371–382.89 Elizur and Salpeter, Israel‘s Oil Adventure, 157–162.90 Esther Edelstein, ‘Norway: No Oil Until 1980s’, Maariv, 13 September 1979, p. 2 (Hebrew).91 Schreiber, Memorandum, ‘International Petroleum Exchange Crude Oil’, ISA GL 57,498/10 (n.d.).92 Ibid.93 Tony Benn, ‘North Sea Oil (Sales to Israel)’, Parliament Debate, vol. 962, 12 February 1979. https://hansard.parliament.uk/commons/1979-02-12/debates/0b3a1b05–0538–4609-89c5-4d510844cae4/NorthSeaOil(SalesToIsrael); Williams Shelton, M.J., MP, ‘British Government Policy on the Export of North Sea Oil’, ISA GL 57,498/10, 27 October 1983.94 AP, ‘Mondale Will Demand Norway to Supply Oil to Israel’, Maariv, 13 April 1979, p. 2 (Hebrew).95 Hilde Henriksen Waage, ‘How Norway Became One of Israel’s Best Friends’, Journal of Peace Research 37/2 (2000), 189–211.96 Bishara A. Bahbah, ‘The United States and Israel’s Energy Security’, Journal of Palestine Studies 11/2 (1982), 113–131; Rubinovitz and Rettig, ‘Crude Peace’.97 Alexander R. Wieland (ed.), Foreign Relations of the United States, 1977–1980, Volume 9: Arab-Israeli Dispute, August 1978–December 1980 (Washington, DC: United States Government Printing Office, 2014), document 184, pp. 645–646.98 James Schlesinger, Memorandum to the President, ‘U.S. Oil Supply Commitment to Israel’, Presidential Papers of Jimmy Carter; National Security Affairs; Brzezinski Material; Country File; Israel 1–4/79 through Israel 4/25–30/80; Box 36, folder Israel, 1–4/79. 8 January 1979.99 Archie Lamb, Memorandum to the foreign office, ‘Norwegian oil to Israel’, The National Archives (hereafter, TNA), FCO 93/2103, 23 January 1979.100 Hilde Henriksen Waage, ‘Explaining the Oslo Backchannel: Norway’s Political Past in the Middle East’, Middle East Journal 56/4 (2002), 603–4.101 Teddy Preuss, ‘Norway – Still Friendly’, Davar, 15 November 1981, p. 7 (Hebrew).102 Helge Ole Bergesen, ‘”Not Valid for Oil”: The Petroleum Dilemma in Norwegian Foreign Policy’, Cooperation and Conflict 17 (1982), 114.103 Schreiber, ‘International Petroleum Exchange Crude Oil’.104 Nigel Ashton, ‘”A Local Terrorist Made Good”: The Callaghan Government and the Arab – Israeli Peace Process, 1977–79’, Contemporary British History 31/1 (2017), 114–135; Azriel Bermant, Margaret Thatcher and the Middle East (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 2016); Neill Lochery, ‘Debunking the Myths: Margaret Thatcher, the Foreign Office and Israel, 1979–1990’, Diplomacy & Statecraft 21/4 (2010), 690–706.105 Official Working Group on BNOC and Overseas Policies, ‘Israel: BNOC Supplies of Oil from the North Sea, Report’, TNA, FCO 93/2103, 26 September 1978; David Owen, Memorandum for James Callaghan, ‘Supply of North Sea Oil to Israel’, TNA, FCO 93/2103, 17 January 1979.106 ‘Segments from the Arbitrator’s Ruling, O.G Bulk’, ISA GL 57,498/10, 1983.107 Gaby Kesler and Yosef Waxman, ‘Britain: Low Priority for Israel in Oil Supply’, Maariv, 12 December 1979, p. 4 (Hebrew).108 Elizur and Salpeter, Israel‘s Oil Adventure, 208–209.109 Crawford, ‘Oil Sanctions Against Apartheid’; Rowe, Manipulating the Market.110 The authors wish to thank the journal’s anonymous reviewer for suggesting this possibility.111 Early, ‘Sleeping with Your Friends’ Enemies’; Early, ‘Unmasking the Black Knights’.112 Martin, Coercive Cooperation.113 Visoka and Doyle, ‘Neo‐Functional Peace’; Bove, Deiana and Nisticò, ‘Global Arms Trade and Oil Dependence’.Additional informationNotes on contributorsElai RettigElai Rettig (corresponding author): Assistant Professor at the Department of Political Studies, Bar-Ilan University. Senior researcher at the Begin-Sadat Center for Strategic Studies (BESA). Formerly, Israel Institute Teaching Fellow in the Department of Jewish, Islamic, and Middle Eastern Studies (JIMES) at Washington University in St Louis. Ph.D. earned at the School of Political Sciences, University of Haifa.Ziv RubinovitzZiv Rubinovitz: Research Fellow at the Chaikin Chair for Geostrategy, and Research Coordinator at the Chaikin Chair, the Maritime Policy and Strategy Research Center, Ezri Center for Iran and Gulf States Research and Wydra Division for Shipping and Ports, University of Haifa. Formerly, Israel Institute Teaching Fellow at Sonoma State University. 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Abstract

ABSTRACTThis article argues that small oil-importing states are particularly adept at circumventing oil sanctions and leveraging them to further expand their own markets. It points to the unique advantages and necessary preconditions that make small states successful in their search for ‘sanctions busters’ in the global oil market, especially when approaching countries that recently became oil exporters. Using declassified Israeli, British and US archival material, this article sheds light on how Israel capitalized on the 1973 Arab oil embargo to gain access to Ecuador’s market through its oil sector, but failed to repeat this success in Norway and the United Kingdom.KEYWORDS: Oilsanctions bustingsmall statesIsraelembargo Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.Notes1 Nicholas Mulder, The Economic Weapon: The Rise of Sanctions as a Tool of Modern War (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press 2022).2 UN Security Council, ‘SC/13141 – Security Council Tightens Sanctions on Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, Unanimously Adopting Resolution 2397’, 22 December 2017, https://press.un.org/en/2017/sc13141.doc.htm.3 Phillip Brown, Oil Market Effects from US Economic Sanctions: Iran, Russia, Venezuela (Washington, DC: Congressional Research Service, 2020).4 US Department of Treasury, ‘Treasury Expands Burma-Related Sanctions and Designates Additional Jet Fuel Suppliers in Burma’, Press Release, 23 August 2023.5 US Congress, ‘S.4407 – China Oil Export Prohibition Act of 2022’, 15 June 2022. https://www.congress.gov/bill/117th-congress/senate-bill/4407/amendments?r=2&s=1.6 Yangyang Chen et al., ‘Impact Assessment of Energy Sanctions in Geo-conflict: Russian – Ukrainian War’, Energy Reports 9 (2023), 3082–3095.7 Blake Clayton and Michael Levi, ‘The Surprising Sources of Oil’s Influence’, Survival 54/6 (2012), 107–122; Llewelyn Hughes and Eugene Gholz, ‘Energy, Coercive Diplomacy, and Sanctions’, in Thijs Van de Graaf, Benjamin K. Sovacool, Arunabha Ghosh, Florian Kern and Michael T. Klare (eds.), The Palgrave Handbook of the International Political Economy of Energy (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2016), 487–504; Emma Ashford, ‘Not-so-smart Sanctions: The Failure of Western Restrictions against Russia’, Foreign Affairs 95/1 (2016), 114–123.8 Dursun Peksen, ‘When Do Imposed Economic Sanctions Work? A Critical Review of the Sanctions Effectiveness Literature’, Defence and Peace Economics 30/6 (2019), 635–647.9 Itay Fischhendler, Lior Herman and Nir Maoz, ‘The Political Economy of Energy Sanctions: Insights from a Global Outlook 1938–2017’, Energy Research and Social Science 34 (2017), 62–71.10 Bryan R. Early, ‘Sleeping with Your Friends’ Enemies: An Explanation of Sanctions-Busting Trade’, International Studies Quarterly 53/1 (2009), 49–71; Early, ‘Unmasking the Black Knights: Sanctions Busters and Their Effects on the Success of Economic Sanctions’, Foreign Policy Analysis 7/4 (2011), 381–402; Jonathan Golub, ‘Improving Analyses of Sanctions Busting’, Peace Economics, Peace Science and Public Policy 26/2 (2020), 20190043.11 David M. Rowe, Manipulating the Market: Understanding Economic Sanctions, Institutional Change, and the Political Unity of White Rhodesia (Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press, 2001).12 Neta C. Crawford, ‘Oil Sanctions Against Apartheid’, in Neta C. Crawford and Audie Klotz (eds.), How Sanctions Work: Lessons from South Africa (Basingstoke, UK: Palgrave Macmillan, 1999), 103–126.13 Frederic S. Pearson, ‘Netherlands Foreign Policy and the 1973–74 Oil Embargo – The Effects of Transnationalism’, UMSL Global Occasional Papers 787 (1978); Crawford, ‘Oil Sanctions Against Apartheid’.14 Karen Smith Stegen, ‘Deconstructing the “Energy Weapon”: Russia’s Threat to Europe as Case Study’, Energy Policy 39/10 (2011), 6505–6513; Laura El-Katiri, and Bassam Fattouh, ‘On Oil Embargos and the Myth of the Iranian Oil Weapon’, Energy Comment (The Oxford Institute for Energy Studies, 2012), https://www.oxfordenergy.org/publications/on-oil-embargos-and-the-myth-of-the-iranian-oil-weapon-2/.15 Jeff D. Colgan, ‘The Emperor Has No Clothes: The Limits of OPEC in the Global Oil Market’, International Organization 68/3 (2014), 599–632; Eugene Gholz and Daryl G. Press, ‘Protecting “the Prize”: Oil and the US National Interest’, Security Studies 19/3 (2010), 453–485; Hughes and Gholz, ‘Energy, Coercive Diplomacy, and Sanctions’.16 Wojtek M. Wolfe and Brock F. Tessman, ‘China’s Global Equity Oil Investments: Economic and Geopolitical Influences’, Journal of Strategic Studies 35/2 (2012), 175–196; Adam William Chalmers and Susanna Theresia Mocker, ‘The End of Exceptionalism? Explaining Chinese National Oil Companies’ Overseas Investments’, Review of International Political Economy 24/1 (2017), 119–143.17 Dursun Peksen, ‘Better or Worse? The Effect of Economic Sanctions on Human Rights’, Journal of Peace Research 46/1 (2009), 59–77.18 Christopher R. W. Dietrich, Oil Revolution (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2017); Giuliano Garavini, The Rise and Fall of OPEC in the Twentieth Century (Oxford: Oxford University Press 2019).19 Llewelyn Hughes and Austin Long, ‘Is There an Oil Weapon?: Security Implications of Changes in the Structure of the International Oil Market’, International Security 39/3 (2014), 152–189.20 Lior Herman and Itay Fischhendler, ‘Energy as a Rewarding and Punitive Foreign Policy Instrument: The Case of Israeli – Palestinian Relations’, Studies in Conflict & Terrorism 44/6 (2021), 495–520.21 Fischhendler, Herman and Maoz, ‘The Political Economy of Energy Sanctions’.22 Bryan R. Early and Timothy M. Peterson, ‘Does Punishing Sanctions Busters Work? Sanctions Enforcement and US Trade with Sanctioned States’, Political Research Quarterly 75/3 (2022), 782–796.23 Early, ‘Unmasking the Black Knights’; Golub, ‘Improving Analyses of Sanctions Busting’; Lisa L. Martin, Coercive Cooperation: Explaining Multilateral Economic Sanctions (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1992).24 Bryan R. Early, Busted Sanctions: Explaining Why Economic Sanctions Fail (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2015).25 Martin, Coercive Cooperation.26 Ibid.27 Early, ‘Sleeping with Your Friends’ Enemies’.28 Llewelyn Hughes and Phillip Y. Lipscy, ‘The Politics of Energy’, Annual Review of Political Science 16 (2013), 449–469.29 Clayton and Levi, ‘The Surprising Sources of Oil’s Influence’.30 Daniel Yergin, ‘Ensuring Energy Security’, Foreign Affairs 85/2 (2006), 69–82.31 Aliaksandr Piahanau, ‘”Each Wagon of Coal Should Be Paid for with Territorial concessions”: Hungary, Czechoslovakia, and the Coal Shortage in 1918–21’, Diplomacy & Statecraft 34/1 (2023), 86–116.32 Caroline Kuzemko, Andrew Lawrence, and Matthew Watson, ‘New Directions in the International Political Economy of Energy’, Review of International Political Economy 26/1 (2019), 1–24.33 Daniel Scholten (ed.), The Geopolitics of Renewables (Cham, Switzerland: Springer 2018).34 Charles L. Glaser and Rosemary A. Kelanic (eds.), Crude Strategy: Rethinking the US Military Commitment to Defend Persian Gulf Oil (Washington, DC: Georgetown University Press 2016); Michael T. Klare, ‘Oil, Iraq, and American Foreign Policy: The Continuing Salience of the Carter Doctrine’, International Journal 62/1 (2007), 31–42.35 Macartan Humphreys, Jeffrey Sachs, and Joseph Stiglitz (eds.), Escaping the Resource Curse (New York: Columbia University Press 2007).36 José R. López-Cálix, Peter Walkenhorst, and Ndiamé Diop (eds.), Trade Competitiveness of the Middle East and North Africa: Policies for Export Diversification (Washington, DC: World Bank Publications, 2010), https://citeseerx.ist.psu.edu/document?repid=rep1&type=pdf&doi=4383a937cc20d474be2f2a8c5e71e97e46d4da5a; Catherine Locatelli, ‘Gazprom’s Export Strategies under the Institutional Constraint of the Russian Gas Market’, OPEC Energy Review 32/3 (2008), 246–264.37 Thijs Van de Graaf and Jeff D. Colgan, ‘Russian Gas Games or Well-Oiled conflict? Energy Security and the 2014 Ukraine Crisis’, Energy Research & Social Science 24 (2017), 59–64.38 Richard Lapper, ‘Living with Hugo: US Policy Toward Hugo Chávez’s Venezuela’. CSR No. 20 (New York: Council on Foreign Relations Press 2006), https://www.files.ethz.ch/isn/26344/2006-11_VenezuelaCSR.pdf.39 Angela. E. Stent, From Embargo to Ostpolitik: The Political Economy of West German-Soviet Relations, 1955–1980 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 2003).40 Jan Willem Honig, ‘The Tyranny of Doctrine and Modern Strategy: Small (and Large) States in a Double Bind’, Journal of Strategic Studies 39/2 (2016), 261–279.41 Kenneth N. Waltz, Theory of International Politics (Long Grove, IL: Waveland Press 2010), 153.42 Gail Cohen, Frederick Joutz, and Prakash Loungani, ‘Measuring Energy Security: Trends in the Diversification of Oil and Natural Gas Supplies’, Energy Policy 39/9 (2011), 4860–4869; Vlado Vivoda, ‘Diversification of Oil Import Sources and Energy Security: A Key Strategy or an Elusive Objective?’, Energy Policy 37/11 (2009), 4615–4623.43 Luca Anceschi, ‘Turkmenistan and the Virtual Politics of Eurasian Energy: The Case of the TAPI Pipeline Project’, Central Asian Survey 36/4 (2017), 409–429.44 Gallia Lindenstrauss, ‘Israel-Azerbaijan: Despite the Constraints, a Special Relationship’, Strategic Assessment 17/4 (2015), 69–79.45 Tuncay Babali, ‘Prospects of Export Routes for Kashagan Oil’, Energy Policy 37/4 (2009), 1298–1308.46 Mario Queiroz, ‘Oil Lubricates Equatorial Guinea’s Entry into Portuguese Language Community’, Inter Press Service, 25 July 2014.47 Gëzim Visoka and John Doyle, ‘Neo‐Functional Peace: The European Union Way of Resolving Conflicts’, JCMS: Journal of Common Market Studies 54/4 (2016), 862–877.48 Antje Wiener, European Integration Theory (New York: Oxford University Press, 2019).49 Edward Newman and Gëzim Visoka, ‘The Foreign Policy of State Recognition: Kosovo’s Diplomatic Strategy to Join International Society’, Foreign Policy Analysis 14/3 (2018), 367–387.50 Jonathan Nitzan and Shimshon Bichler, ‘Bringing Capital Accumulation Back In: The Weapondollar‐Petrodollar Coalition‐Military Contractors, Oil Companies and Middle East “Energy Conflicts”’, Review of International Political Economy 2/3 (1995), 446–515.51 Vincenzo Bove, Claudio Deiana, and Roberto Nisticò, ‘Global Arms Trade and Oil Dependence’, The Journal of Law, Economics, and Organization 34/2 (2018), 272–299.52 Crawford, ‘Oil Sanctions Against Apartheid’; Rowe, Manipulating the Market.53 Gawdat Bahgat, ‘Alternative Energy in Israel: Opportunities and Risks’, Israel Affairs 20/1 (2014), 1–18.54 Uri Bialer, Oil and the Arab-Israeli Conflict − 1948–1963 (London: Palgrave Macmillan 1999).55 Bialer, Oil and the Arab-Israeli Conflict; Uri Bialer, Israeli Foreign Policy: APeople Shall Not Dwell Alone (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press 2020); Yuval Elizur and Eliahu Salpeter, Israel‘s Oil Adventure: How the Embargo Was Overcome (Tel Aviv: Zmora-Bitan 1999) (Hebrew), 145; Michael Stark, Memorandum, ‘Israel’s oil supplies’, TNA, FCO 93/2103, 18 January 1979; Lindenstrauss, ‘Israel-Azerbaijan’; Michael B. Bishku, ‘The Relations of the Central Asian Republics of Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan with Israel’, Middle Eastern Studies 48/6 (2012), 927–940; Simon Henderson, Bilal Wahab, and Henry Rome, ‘Israel May Lose Oil Access in Baghdad-Kurdish Deal’, The Washington Institute for Near East Policy, 13 April 202356 Bialer, Oil and the Arab-Israeli Conflict, 23557 Yossi Alpher, Periphery: Israel’s Search for Middle East Allies (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield 2015).58 Steve Marsh, ‘The Special Relationship and the Anglo-Iranian Oil Crisis, 1950–4’, Review of International Studies 24/4 (1998), 529–544.59 Arthur Jay Klinghoffer, ‘The Political Economy of Soviet-Israeli Oil Relations, 1948–1967’, International Relations 5/4 (1976), 1112–1120.60 Bialer, Oil and the Arab-Israeli Conflict, 171.61 Uri Bialer, ‘Fuel Bridge across the Middle East – Israel, Iran, and the Eilat-Ashkelon Oil Pipeline’, Israel Studies 12/3 (2007), 29–67.62 Trita Parsi, Treacherous Alliance: The Secret Dealings of Israel, Iran, and the United States (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press 2007), 74–78.63 Neta Feniger and Rachel Kallus, ‘Israeli Planning in the Shah’s Iran: A Forgotten Episode’, Planning Perspectives 30/2 (2015), 231–251.64 Elizur and Salpeter, Israel‘s Oil Adventure.65 Bialer, Israeli Foreign Policy.66 Elizur and Salpeter, Israel‘s Oil Adventure, 146, 193.67 Uri Bar-Joseph, ‘Forecasting a Hurricane: Israeli and American Estimations of the Khomeini Revolution’, Journal of Strategic Studies 36/5 (2013), 718–742.68 Bruce Andre Beaubouef, The Strategic Petroleum Reserve: U.S. Energy Security and Oil Politics, 1975–2005 (College Station, TX: Texas A&M University Press, 2007), 1669 Henry Kamm, ‘Israel Expects Oil Flow to Go On’, New York Times, 25 January 1974, p. 3.70 S. J. Randall, ‘The 1970s Arab-OPEC Oil Embargo and Latin America’, H-Energy (2013), p. 371 Reuters, ‘Ecuador to Act Independently from OPEC’, New York Times, p. 66. ISA MFA 3284/15. 17 September 1974; Ministry of Foreign Affairs, State of Israel, ‘Ecuador es cola de un camello en OPEP, dicen’, El Tiempo, 29 July 1975. Enclosed in Yitzhak Shefi, Memorandum for Yaari, Shmuel, ‘Ecuador and OPEC’, ISA MFA 3284/8, 31 July 1975.72 Arie M. Kacowicz, ‘Triangular Relations: Israel, Latin American Jewry, and Latin American Countries in a Changing International Context, 1967–2017’, Israel Journal of Foreign Affairs 11/2 (2017), 203–215.73 Robert C. Feenstra et al., ‘World Trade Flows: 1962–2000’, National Bureau of Economic Research (2005).74 Yosef Shofman, Letter, ‘Venezuela’s Oil Problems (with Relations to the Arab States) and Their Implications on Relations with Us’, ISA MFA 3251/1, 13 Mar. 1972.75 Bialer, Oil and the Arab-Israeli Conflict, 130–132.76 Gad Elron, ‘Ecuador’, Memorandum for Shimon Amir, ISA MFA 3284/15, 17 June 1974.77 Ibid.78 Yaakov Ben-Ami, Telegram 21 to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, ISA MFA 3284/15, 6 March 1974; Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Economic Division, State of Israel, Telegram 159 to the embassy in Quito, ISA MFA 3284/15, 30 April 1974; Sadot and Harlev, Telegram 54 to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, ISA MFA 3284/15, 10 April 1974.79 Bishara Bahbah and Linda Butler, Israel and Latin America (Houndmills, Basingstoke, UK: Macmillan, 1986), 114.80 Eshel, ‘Weapons to Ecuador’, Memorandum for Director General of the MFA, ISA MFA 3520/10, 23 December 1965.81 Yitzhak Shefi, Urgent Telegram no. 59 to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, ISA MFA 3284/15, 29 January 1975.82 Ido Dissentchik, ‘Ecuador President: We Will Continue Selling Oil to Israel’, Maariv, 22 July 1979, p. 1 (Hebrew).83 Feenstra et al., ‘World Trade Flows’.84 Shmuel Sivan, ‘Appointing an Economic Representative in Ecuador’, ISA MFA 3284/8, 19 November 1975.85 Bahbah and Butler, Israel and Latin America, 114.86 Ibid, 114–11587 Cyrus R. Vance, ‘Memorandum for the President’, Presidential Papers of Jimmy Carter; Plains File; Subject File: State Department Evening Reports 10/79 through State Department Evening Reports 10/80; Box 40, folder State Department Evening Reports 11/79, 27 November 1979, p. 3.88 Ziv Rubinovitz and Elai Rettig, ‘Crude Peace: The Role of Oil Trade in the Israeli-Egyptian Peace Negotiations’, International Studies Quarterly 62/2 (2018), 371–382.89 Elizur and Salpeter, Israel‘s Oil Adventure, 157–162.90 Esther Edelstein, ‘Norway: No Oil Until 1980s’, Maariv, 13 September 1979, p. 2 (Hebrew).91 Schreiber, Memorandum, ‘International Petroleum Exchange Crude Oil’, ISA GL 57,498/10 (n.d.).92 Ibid.93 Tony Benn, ‘North Sea Oil (Sales to Israel)’, Parliament Debate, vol. 962, 12 February 1979. https://hansard.parliament.uk/commons/1979-02-12/debates/0b3a1b05–0538–4609-89c5-4d510844cae4/NorthSeaOil(SalesToIsrael); Williams Shelton, M.J., MP, ‘British Government Policy on the Export of North Sea Oil’, ISA GL 57,498/10, 27 October 1983.94 AP, ‘Mondale Will Demand Norway to Supply Oil to Israel’, Maariv, 13 April 1979, p. 2 (Hebrew).95 Hilde Henriksen Waage, ‘How Norway Became One of Israel’s Best Friends’, Journal of Peace Research 37/2 (2000), 189–211.96 Bishara A. Bahbah, ‘The United States and Israel’s Energy Security’, Journal of Palestine Studies 11/2 (1982), 113–131; Rubinovitz and Rettig, ‘Crude Peace’.97 Alexander R. Wieland (ed.), Foreign Relations of the United States, 1977–1980, Volume 9: Arab-Israeli Dispute, August 1978–December 1980 (Washington, DC: United States Government Printing Office, 2014), document 184, pp. 645–646.98 James Schlesinger, Memorandum to the President, ‘U.S. Oil Supply Commitment to Israel’, Presidential Papers of Jimmy Carter; National Security Affairs; Brzezinski Material; Country File; Israel 1–4/79 through Israel 4/25–30/80; Box 36, folder Israel, 1–4/79. 8 January 1979.99 Archie Lamb, Memorandum to the foreign office, ‘Norwegian oil to Israel’, The National Archives (hereafter, TNA), FCO 93/2103, 23 January 1979.100 Hilde Henriksen Waage, ‘Explaining the Oslo Backchannel: Norway’s Political Past in the Middle East’, Middle East Journal 56/4 (2002), 603–4.101 Teddy Preuss, ‘Norway – Still Friendly’, Davar, 15 November 1981, p. 7 (Hebrew).102 Helge Ole Bergesen, ‘”Not Valid for Oil”: The Petroleum Dilemma in Norwegian Foreign Policy’, Cooperation and Conflict 17 (1982), 114.103 Schreiber, ‘International Petroleum Exchange Crude Oil’.104 Nigel Ashton, ‘”A Local Terrorist Made Good”: The Callaghan Government and the Arab – Israeli Peace Process, 1977–79’, Contemporary British History 31/1 (2017), 114–135; Azriel Bermant, Margaret Thatcher and the Middle East (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 2016); Neill Lochery, ‘Debunking the Myths: Margaret Thatcher, the Foreign Office and Israel, 1979–1990’, Diplomacy & Statecraft 21/4 (2010), 690–706.105 Official Working Group on BNOC and Overseas Policies, ‘Israel: BNOC Supplies of Oil from the North Sea, Report’, TNA, FCO 93/2103, 26 September 1978; David Owen, Memorandum for James Callaghan, ‘Supply of North Sea Oil to Israel’, TNA, FCO 93/2103, 17 January 1979.106 ‘Segments from the Arbitrator’s Ruling, O.G Bulk’, ISA GL 57,498/10, 1983.107 Gaby Kesler and Yosef Waxman, ‘Britain: Low Priority for Israel in Oil Supply’, Maariv, 12 December 1979, p. 4 (Hebrew).108 Elizur and Salpeter, Israel‘s Oil Adventure, 208–209.109 Crawford, ‘Oil Sanctions Against Apartheid’; Rowe, Manipulating the Market.110 The authors wish to thank the journal’s anonymous reviewer for suggesting this possibility.111 Early, ‘Sleeping with Your Friends’ Enemies’; Early, ‘Unmasking the Black Knights’.112 Martin, Coercive Cooperation.113 Visoka and Doyle, ‘Neo‐Functional Peace’; Bove, Deiana and Nisticò, ‘Global Arms Trade and Oil Dependence’.Additional informationNotes on contributorsElai RettigElai Rettig (corresponding author): Assistant Professor at the Department of Political Studies, Bar-Ilan University. Senior researcher at the Begin-Sadat Center for Strategic Studies (BESA). Formerly, Israel Institute Teaching Fellow in the Department of Jewish, Islamic, and Middle Eastern Studies (JIMES) at Washington University in St Louis. Ph.D. earned at the School of Political Sciences, University of Haifa.Ziv RubinovitzZiv Rubinovitz: Research Fellow at the Chaikin Chair for Geostrategy, and Research Coordinator at the Chaikin Chair, the Maritime Policy and Strategy Research Center, Ezri Center for Iran and Gulf States Research and Wydra Division for Shipping and Ports, University of Haifa. Formerly, Israel Institute Teaching Fellow at Sonoma State University. Ph.D. earned at the School of Political Sciences, University of Haifa.
小国如何打破石油制裁:上世纪70年代以色列的石油进口战略
摘要本文认为,石油进口小国特别善于规避石油制裁,并利用制裁进一步扩大自己的市场。报告指出,小国在全球石油市场上成功寻找“制裁终结者”的独特优势和必要先决条件,尤其是在接近最近成为石油出口国的国家时。本文利用解密的以色列、英国和美国档案资料,揭示以色列如何利用1973年阿拉伯石油禁运,透过其石油部门进入厄瓜多市场,却未能在挪威和英国复制这种成功。关键词:石油制裁打击小国以色列禁运披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。注1尼古拉斯·穆德:《经济武器:制裁作为现代战争工具的兴起》(纽黑文,康涅狄格州:耶鲁大学出版社,2022年)3 .联合国安理会,“SC/13141 -安理会加强对朝鲜民主主义人民共和国的制裁,一致通过第2397号决议”,2017年12月22日,https://press.un.org/en/2017/sc13141.doc.htm.3菲利普·布朗,美国经济制裁对石油市场的影响:伊朗、俄罗斯和委内瑞拉(华盛顿特区:国会研究处,2020)美国财政部,“财政部扩大与缅甸有关的制裁并指定额外的缅甸航空燃料供应商”,新闻稿,2023.5年8月23日。4407 -《2022年中国石油出口禁止法》,2022年6月15日。https://www.congress.gov/bill/117th-congress/senate-bill/4407/amendments?r=2&s=1.6陈阳阳等,“地缘冲突中能源制裁的影响评估:俄罗斯-乌克兰战争”,《能源报告》9 (2023),3082-3095.7 Blake Clayton和Michael Levi,“石油影响的惊人来源”,《生存》54/6 (2012),107-122;Llewelyn Hughes和Eugene Gholz,“能源,强制外交和制裁”,见Thijs Van de Graaf, Benjamin K. Sovacool, arunha Ghosh, Florian Kern和Michael T. Klare(编),《Palgrave国际能源政治经济手册》(伦敦:Palgrave Macmillan, 2016), 487-504;Emma Ashford,“不明智的制裁:西方对俄罗斯限制的失败”,《外交事务》95/1(2016),114-123.8。对制裁有效性文献的批判性回顾”,国防与和平经济30/6 (2019),635-647.9 Itay Fischhendler, Lior Herman和Nir Maoz,“能源制裁的政治经济学:1938-2017年全球展望的见解”,能源研究与社会科学34 (2017),62-71.10 Bryan R. Early,“与朋友的敌人睡觉:对制裁破坏贸易的解释”,国际研究季刊53/1 (2009),49-71;早期,“揭露黑骑士:制裁破坏者及其对经济制裁成功的影响”,《外交政策分析》第7/4期(2011),381-402;乔纳森·戈卢布,“制裁破坏的改进分析”,和平经济学,和平科学与公共政策26/2(2020),20190043.11大卫·m·罗,操纵市场:理解经济制裁,制度变革,和白罗得西亚的政治统一(密歇根州安娜堡:密歇根大学出版社,2001)Neta C. Crawford,“反对种族隔离的石油制裁”,载于Neta C. Crawford和Audie Klotz(主编),“制裁如何起作用:来自南非的教训”(英国贝辛斯托克:Palgrave Macmillan, 1999), 103-126.13弗雷德里克S. Pearson,“荷兰外交政策和1973-74年石油禁运-跨国主义的影响”,UMSL全球偶尔论文787 (1978);《石油制裁反对种族隔离》,第14页Karen Smith Stegen,《解构“能源武器”:俄罗斯对欧洲的威胁案例研究》,《能源政策》39/10 (2011),6505-6513;Laura El-Katiri和Bassam Fattouh,“关于石油禁运和伊朗石油武器的神话”,能源评论(牛津能源研究所,2012),https://www.oxfordenergy.org/publications/on-oil-embargos-and-the-myth-of-the-iranian-oil-weapon-2/.15 Jeff D. Colgan,“皇帝没有衣服:欧佩克在全球石油市场的限制”,国际组织68/3 (2014),599-632;Eugene Gholz和Daryl G. Press,“保护“大奖”:石油与美国国家利益”,《安全研究》19/3 (2010),453-485;Hughes和Gholz, <能源、强制外交和制裁>,第16页wjtek M. Wolfe和Brock F. Tessman,“中国全球股权石油投资:经济和地缘政治影响”,《战略研究》第35/2期(2012),175-196;亚当·威廉·查尔默斯和苏珊娜·特蕾西亚·莫克,《例外论的终结?《中国国有石油公司海外投资的解释》,《国际政治经济评论》2017年第24期,119-143.17页。李建平。经济制裁对人权的影响[j] .《国际经济研究》2009年第46期,59-77.18。 迪特里希:《石油革命》(剑桥:剑桥大学出版社,2017);朱利亚诺·加拉维尼,《欧佩克在20世纪的兴衰》(牛津:牛津大学出版社2019年)卢埃林·休斯和奥斯汀·朗,《石油武器存在吗?》:国际石油市场结构变化的安全意义”,《国际安全》39/3 (2014),152-189.20 Lior Herman和Itay Fischhendler,“能源作为一种奖励和惩罚的外交政策工具:以巴关系为例”,《冲突与恐怖主义研究》44/6 (2021),495-520.21 Fischhendler, Herman和Maoz,“能源制裁的政治经济学”Bryan R. Early和Timothy M. Peterson,《惩罚制裁有效吗?》制裁执行与美国与被制裁国家的贸易”,政治研究季刊75/3 (2022),782-796.23 Early,“揭开黑骑士的面纱”;Golub,“改进对制裁破坏的分析”;Lisa L. Martin,强制性合作:解释多边经济制裁(普林斯顿,新泽西州:普林斯顿大学出版社,1992).24Bryan R. Early,《制裁失败:解释经济制裁失败的原因》(斯坦福,加州:斯坦福大学出版社,2015),第25页马丁,《强制合作》。26同上。27 Early,“与你朋友的敌人睡觉”。28Llewelyn Hughes和Phillip Y. lipssy,《能源的政治》,《政治学年度评论》,2013年第16期,449-469.29Daniel Yergin,《确保能源安全》,《外交事务》85/2 (2006),69-82.31Caroline Kuzemko, Andrew Lawrence和Matthew Watson,“能源国际政治经济的新方向”,《国际政治经济评论》26/1 (2019),1-24.33 Daniel Scholten(主编),可再生能源的地缘政治(Cham,瑞士:Springer 2018).34查尔斯·l·格拉泽和罗斯玛丽·a·克兰尼(编),原油战略:重新思考美国军事承诺保卫波斯湾石油(华盛顿特区:乔治城大学出版社2016);Michael T. Klare,“石油、伊拉克和美国外交政策:卡特主义的持续突出”,国际杂志62/1 (2007),31-42.35 Macartan Humphreys, Jeffrey Sachs和Joseph Stiglitz(编),逃避资源诅咒(纽约:哥伦比亚大学出版社2007)jos<s:1> R. López-Cálix、Peter Walkenhorst和ndiameer Diop主编,《中东和北非的贸易竞争力:出口多样化政策》(华盛顿特区:世界银行出版社,2010年),https://citeseerx.ist.psu.edu/document?repid=rep1&type=pdf&doi=4383a937cc20d474be2f2a8c5e71e97e46d4da5a;Catherine Locatelli,“俄罗斯天然气市场制度约束下俄罗斯天然气工业股份公司的出口战略”,OPEC能源评论32/3(2008),246-264.37。Thijs Van de Graaf和Jeff D. Colgan,“俄罗斯天然气游戏还是油井冲突?《能源安全与2014年乌克兰危机》,能源研究与社会科学24(2017),59-64.38理查德·拉珀,“与雨果共存:美国对雨果Chávez委内瑞拉的政策”。CSR第20号(纽约:外交关系委员会出版社2006年),https://www.files.ethz.ch/isn/26344/2006-11_VenezuelaCSR.pdf.39。E.斯坦特,《从禁运到东方政策:西德-苏联关系的政治经济学,1955-1980》(剑桥:剑桥大学出版社,2003)Jan Willem Honig,“专制主义和现代战略:进退两难的小(和大)国家”,战略研究杂志39/2 (2016),261-279.41 Kenneth N. Waltz,《国际政治理论》(Long Grove, IL: Waveland Press 2010), 153.42 Gail Cohen, Frederick Joutz和Prakash Loungani,“衡量能源安全:石油和天然气供应多样化的趋势”,能源政策39/9 (2011),4860-4869;石油进口来源多样化与能源安全:关键战略还是难以实现的目标?,能源政策37/11 (2009),4615-4623.43 Luca Anceschi,“土库曼斯坦和欧亚能源的虚拟政治:TAPI管道项目的案例”,中亚调查36/4 (2017),409-429.44 Gallia Lindenstrauss,“以色列-阿塞拜疆:尽管有限制,一种特殊的关系”,战略评估17/4 (2015),69-79.45 Tuncay Babali,“卡沙干石油出口路线的前景”,能源政策37/4 (2009),1298-1308.46 Mario Queiroz,“石油润滑赤道几内亚进入葡萄牙语社区”,Inter Press Service, 2014年7月25日Gëzim Visoka和John Doyle,“新功能和平:欧盟解决冲突的方式”,JCMS;共同市场研究杂志54/4(2016),862-877.48安特耶·维纳,欧洲一体化理论(纽约:牛津大学出版社,2019)。
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期刊介绍: The defining feature of The Journal of Strategic Studies is its commitment to multi-disciplinary approach. The editors welcome articles that challenge our historical understanding of man"s efforts to achieve political ends through the application of military and diplomatic means; articles on contemporary security and theoretical controversies of enduring value; and of course articles that explicitly combine the historical and theoretical approaches to the study of modern warfare, defence policy and modern strategy. In addition to a well-established review section, The Journal of Strategic Studies offers its diverse readership a wide range of "special issues" and "special sections".
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