Twenty Years Later: Rethinking the Sierra Leonean Civil War and Beyond

Ismail Rashid, Zubairu Wai
{"title":"Twenty Years Later: Rethinking the Sierra Leonean Civil War and Beyond","authors":"Ismail Rashid, Zubairu Wai","doi":"10.2979/acp.2023.a900888","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"Twenty Years Later:Rethinking the Sierra Leonean Civil War and Beyond Ismail Rashid and Zubairu Wai In March 1991, war broke out in the West African state of Sierra Leone, and it quickly became one of the seemingly intractable African conflicts in the immediate post-Cold War era. The Revolutionary United Front (RUF), which initiated the war, claimed that it was a quest for national liberation, democratic empowerment, and the construction of an egalitarian socioeconomic order (Abdullah 1997; 2004; Gberie 2005; Richards 1996; Wai 2012). For over a decade, the violence that the RUF unleashed gripped the country as contending armed groups multiplied and power oscillated between different civilian and military regimes. Thousands of Sierra Leoneans were maimed or killed, and millions more were displaced. For those who lived through it, many moments and aspects of the war seemed incoherent, anarchic, and illogical. Yet, it also presented moments and opportunities for political renewal and the reconfiguration of a Sierra Leonean state caught in the contradictions of its postcolonial existence. The war did not generate these contradictions, it merely magnified them. In a decade when different parts of Africa experienced mass violence, the long and complicated Sierra Leonean civil war captured global attention by the mid- to late 1990s. In mainstream discourses and dominant interpretations, Sierra Leone (and Liberia), along with Somalia and Rwanda, became the quintessential example of state failure in Africa, a situation characterized by social disorder and anomic violence and precipitated by patrimonialism, pervasive corruption, and governmental incompetence. In the impoverished and degraded [End Page 1] environmental landscapes of failed states and impotent governments, as the narratives go, warlords and criminal youth gangs engage in internecine battles over access to dwindling resources (see Kaplan 1994). In Blood Diamonds, Greg Campbell writes of Sierra Leone as \"a writhing hive of killers, villains and wretched victims\" (2002, 32). The Sierra Leonean civil war (1991–2002) became an archetypical example of what came to be known as \"new wars\"—a new kind of intrastate and regionalized violence in the post-Cold War era characterized by the increasing overlap between economic and political motives, terrorism and crime, and ethnic (tribal) and religious identities (see Kaldor 2001; Münkler 2004). These new wars were thought to be less about ideology and politics and more about economics with greedy warlords such as Foday Sankoh and Charles Taylor manipulating violence and disorder as mechanisms for profit making. These interpretations came to be crucial in international policy formulations as Sierra Leone became a significant site for the articulation and application of different conflict management approaches, global governance mechanisms, and liberal peacebuilding strategies (Denny 2011; Duffield 2001; Fanthorpe 2005; Rashid 2018; Wai 2011; 2021). However, in reconstructing the landscape of the war and the contestations that characterized its interpretations, Ismail Rashid suggests in this issue that from inception to conclusion, the Sierra Leonean civil war did not unfold in a linear manner. It was also characterized by perplexing contradictions and considerable misinformation, confusing tales of deceptions and betrayal, and collective misrepresentations and conflicting narratives (see also Wai 2012). In other words, what Rashid calls \"contentious reconstructions\" in scholarly interpretations, media representations, and policy formulations, which defined interpretations of the war from inception to end, should caution against hasty judgments and premature closure of the debates about the war. Instead, it should invite us to revisit the questions it raises, to consider anew the issue of political violence in Sierra Leone and its interpretation through a reengagement with the war, its prehistory, and aftermath. A fundamental question that came to define, and in fact continues to shroud understanding of, the Sierra Leonean civil war is the nature of the violence unleashed by the RUF in 1991. Why did a \"revolutionary\" project for a radical democratic and egalitarian social order become so destructive and violent toward the very people on whose behalf it claimed to be fighting? It is crucial that we understand this disconnect between the RUF \"revolutionaries,\" their \"objectives,\" and the confusing contradictions at the heart of the conflict. Given what we now know or have learned about the war, what insights can be derived from the [End Page 2] Sierra Leonean conflict beyond the senseless anarchy...","PeriodicalId":126988,"journal":{"name":"African Conflict and Peacebuilding Review","volume":"100 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2023-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"African Conflict and Peacebuilding Review","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.2979/acp.2023.a900888","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"","JCRName":"","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0

Abstract

Twenty Years Later:Rethinking the Sierra Leonean Civil War and Beyond Ismail Rashid and Zubairu Wai In March 1991, war broke out in the West African state of Sierra Leone, and it quickly became one of the seemingly intractable African conflicts in the immediate post-Cold War era. The Revolutionary United Front (RUF), which initiated the war, claimed that it was a quest for national liberation, democratic empowerment, and the construction of an egalitarian socioeconomic order (Abdullah 1997; 2004; Gberie 2005; Richards 1996; Wai 2012). For over a decade, the violence that the RUF unleashed gripped the country as contending armed groups multiplied and power oscillated between different civilian and military regimes. Thousands of Sierra Leoneans were maimed or killed, and millions more were displaced. For those who lived through it, many moments and aspects of the war seemed incoherent, anarchic, and illogical. Yet, it also presented moments and opportunities for political renewal and the reconfiguration of a Sierra Leonean state caught in the contradictions of its postcolonial existence. The war did not generate these contradictions, it merely magnified them. In a decade when different parts of Africa experienced mass violence, the long and complicated Sierra Leonean civil war captured global attention by the mid- to late 1990s. In mainstream discourses and dominant interpretations, Sierra Leone (and Liberia), along with Somalia and Rwanda, became the quintessential example of state failure in Africa, a situation characterized by social disorder and anomic violence and precipitated by patrimonialism, pervasive corruption, and governmental incompetence. In the impoverished and degraded [End Page 1] environmental landscapes of failed states and impotent governments, as the narratives go, warlords and criminal youth gangs engage in internecine battles over access to dwindling resources (see Kaplan 1994). In Blood Diamonds, Greg Campbell writes of Sierra Leone as "a writhing hive of killers, villains and wretched victims" (2002, 32). The Sierra Leonean civil war (1991–2002) became an archetypical example of what came to be known as "new wars"—a new kind of intrastate and regionalized violence in the post-Cold War era characterized by the increasing overlap between economic and political motives, terrorism and crime, and ethnic (tribal) and religious identities (see Kaldor 2001; Münkler 2004). These new wars were thought to be less about ideology and politics and more about economics with greedy warlords such as Foday Sankoh and Charles Taylor manipulating violence and disorder as mechanisms for profit making. These interpretations came to be crucial in international policy formulations as Sierra Leone became a significant site for the articulation and application of different conflict management approaches, global governance mechanisms, and liberal peacebuilding strategies (Denny 2011; Duffield 2001; Fanthorpe 2005; Rashid 2018; Wai 2011; 2021). However, in reconstructing the landscape of the war and the contestations that characterized its interpretations, Ismail Rashid suggests in this issue that from inception to conclusion, the Sierra Leonean civil war did not unfold in a linear manner. It was also characterized by perplexing contradictions and considerable misinformation, confusing tales of deceptions and betrayal, and collective misrepresentations and conflicting narratives (see also Wai 2012). In other words, what Rashid calls "contentious reconstructions" in scholarly interpretations, media representations, and policy formulations, which defined interpretations of the war from inception to end, should caution against hasty judgments and premature closure of the debates about the war. Instead, it should invite us to revisit the questions it raises, to consider anew the issue of political violence in Sierra Leone and its interpretation through a reengagement with the war, its prehistory, and aftermath. A fundamental question that came to define, and in fact continues to shroud understanding of, the Sierra Leonean civil war is the nature of the violence unleashed by the RUF in 1991. Why did a "revolutionary" project for a radical democratic and egalitarian social order become so destructive and violent toward the very people on whose behalf it claimed to be fighting? It is crucial that we understand this disconnect between the RUF "revolutionaries," their "objectives," and the confusing contradictions at the heart of the conflict. Given what we now know or have learned about the war, what insights can be derived from the [End Page 2] Sierra Leonean conflict beyond the senseless anarchy...
《二十年后:重新思考塞拉利昂内战及以后
1991年3月,西非国家塞拉利昂爆发了一场战争,这场战争很快成为冷战后非洲最棘手的冲突之一。发动这场战争的革命联合阵线(RUF)声称,这是对民族解放、民主赋权和平等社会经济秩序建设的追求(Abdullah 1997;2004;Gberie 2005;理查兹1996;围2012)。十多年来,革命联合阵线发动的暴力事件笼罩着这个国家,相互争斗的武装团体成倍增加,权力在不同的文职和军事政权之间摇摆不定。数以千计的塞拉利昂人致残或死亡,还有数百万人流离失所。对于那些经历过战争的人来说,战争的许多时刻和方面似乎是不连贯的,无政府的,不合逻辑的。然而,它也为政治复兴和塞拉利昂国家的重新配置提供了时机和机会,塞拉利昂国家陷入了其后殖民存在的矛盾之中。战争并没有产生这些矛盾,它只是放大了这些矛盾。在非洲不同地区经历了大规模暴力的十年里,到20世纪90年代中后期,长期而复杂的塞拉利昂内战引起了全球的关注。在主流话语和主流解释中,塞拉利昂(和利比里亚),连同索马里和卢旺达,成为非洲国家失败的典型例子,这种情况的特点是社会混乱和反常暴力,并由世袭主义、普遍腐败和政府无能加剧。在贫困和退化的环境景观中,失败的国家和无能的政府,正如故事所述,军阀和犯罪青年帮派为了获得日益减少的资源而进行内讧。在《血钻》一书中,格雷格·坎贝尔将塞拉利昂描述为“一个充斥着杀手、恶棍和可怜受害者的扭曲的蜂巢”(2002,32)。塞拉利昂内战(1991-2002)成为后来被称为“新战争”的典型例子——冷战后时代一种新的国家内部和地区暴力,其特征是经济和政治动机、恐怖主义和犯罪、种族(部落)和宗教身份之间日益重叠(见Kaldor 2001;Munkler 2004)。这些新的战争被认为与意识形态和政治无关,而与经济有关,贪婪的军阀如戴伊·桑科和查尔斯·泰勒操纵暴力和混乱作为牟利的机制。随着塞拉利昂成为不同冲突管理方法、全球治理机制和自由建设和平战略的表达和应用的重要场所,这些解释在国际政策制定中变得至关重要(Denny 2011;达菲尔德2001;Fanthorpe 2005;拉希德2018;围2011;2021)。然而,伊斯梅尔·拉希德在重建战争的格局和作为其解释特点的争论时,在本期中指出,从开始到结束,塞拉利昂内战并没有以线性方式展开。它的另一个特点是令人困惑的矛盾和大量的错误信息,令人困惑的欺骗和背叛故事,以及集体的虚假陈述和相互矛盾的叙述(参见Wai 2012)。换句话说,拉希德所说的学术解释、媒体表述和政策制定中的“有争议的重建”,定义了对战争从开始到结束的解释,应该警惕草率的判断和过早结束关于战争的辩论。相反,它应该邀请我们重新审视它提出的问题,重新考虑塞拉利昂的政治暴力问题,并通过重新参与战争,其史前和后果来解释它。1991年联阵发动的暴力的性质是界定塞拉利昂内战的一个基本问题,事实上,它继续笼罩着人们对塞拉利昂内战的理解。为什么一个追求激进民主和平等社会秩序的“革命”计划,对它声称要为之战斗的人民却变得如此具有破坏性和暴力?至关重要的是,我们要理解联阵“革命者”、他们的“目标”和冲突中心令人困惑的矛盾之间的脱节。考虑到我们现在对这场战争的了解和了解,除了毫无意义的无政府状态之外,我们可以从塞拉利昂冲突中得到什么启示……
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
求助全文
约1分钟内获得全文 求助全文
来源期刊
自引率
0.00%
发文量
0
×
引用
GB/T 7714-2015
复制
MLA
复制
APA
复制
导出至
BibTeX EndNote RefMan NoteFirst NoteExpress
×
提示
您的信息不完整,为了账户安全,请先补充。
现在去补充
×
提示
您因"违规操作"
具体请查看互助需知
我知道了
×
提示
确定
请完成安全验证×
copy
已复制链接
快去分享给好友吧!
我知道了
右上角分享
点击右上角分享
0
联系我们:info@booksci.cn Book学术提供免费学术资源搜索服务,方便国内外学者检索中英文文献。致力于提供最便捷和优质的服务体验。 Copyright © 2023 布克学术 All rights reserved.
京ICP备2023020795号-1
ghs 京公网安备 11010802042870号
Book学术文献互助
Book学术文献互助群
群 号:604180095
Book学术官方微信