The third construction and strength of C: A gradient harmonic grammar approach

G. Müller
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引用次数: 5

Abstract

is paper addresses the third construction in German, i.e., sentences that combine clause-internal movement from a control innitive with extraposition of that innitive. I argue that conžicting evidence regarding the degree of bi-/mono-clausality of the extraposed innitive (as evidenced by Santorini & Kroch’s (1991) observation that long-distance scrambling is possible whereas wide scope of negation is not) is best captured by assuming that it qualies as a CP with a C head that has more strength than the C of a preverbal restructuring innitive embedded under a control verb, but less strength than the C of a non-restructuring innitive (or a nite clause). is presupposes an approach to syntax in which a number of dišerent strength assignments to a given type of category (like C) can be postulated, and can have a direct ešect on the (non-) application of syntactic operations. I will show that a version of minimalist syntax incorporating the Phase Impenetrability Condition (Chomsky 2001, 2013) that is embedded in a Gradient Harmonic Grammar approach (Smolensky & Goldrick 2016) can account for the variable strength of C in a principled way.
C的第三个结构和强度:一种梯度调和语法方法
他的论文讨论了德语中的第三种结构,即将从句内部运动从原语控制与原语外置结合在一起的句子。我认为反对žict证据的程度的bi - / mono-clausality extraposednitive(就是明证圣托里尼岛& Kroch(1991)观察到长途爬是可能而大范围的否定不是)最好是被假设它定性es与C CP的头,语前的重组的力量比Cnitive嵌入式控制下动词,但强度低于C的non-restructuringnitive(或夜间条款)。它以一种语法方法为前提,在这种方法中,可以假定对给定类型的范畴(如C)的若干不同的事件强度赋值,并且可以对语法操作的(非)应用产生直接的影响。我将展示嵌入在梯度调和语法方法(Smolensky & Goldrick 2016)中的包含相位不可穿透性条件(Chomsky 2001, 2013)的极简语法版本可以以原则性的方式解释C的可变强度。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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