Response to Mehdi Mozaffari’s “The Rise of Islamism in the Light of European Totalitarianism”

Ana Belén Soage
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Abstract

Mehdi Mozaffari’s article advances the hypothesis that Islamism, like the European interwar totalitarianisms, was an indirect consequence of the First World War and the collapse of the great empires. An intriguing hypothesis, if rather deterministic and reductionist. Unfortunately, I believe, the facts do not support Mozaffari’s conclusions. Although I agree that Hasan al-Bann[ amacr ] ’s ideology had a strong fascist undertone, I believe that it was imported from Europe, and not a spontaneous reaction to the end of the Caliphate. As I have shown elsewhere,1 the Muslim Brothers’ Society was not set up as a political organisation but became gradually politicised in the 1930s. Fascism was considered the revitalising ideology Egypt needed, and both the palace and other political organisations – notably Misr al-Fatat – were admirers of the Italian and German regimes, which were perceived as having successfully restored their nations’ honour and international standing. I also disagree with some of the author’s factual claims. I am not a sociologist, but I believe that Weber’s quote on the ‘disenchantment of the world’ (pp. 4–5) referred to the fact that science and rationalism had become able to explain the world, which therefore was not ‘a mystery’ anymore. Can the term really be understood as ‘an observation of the anomic conditions of post-1918 modernity’? On the other hand, when did Hasan al-Bann[ amacr ] study Spengler, Spencer and Toynbee? (p. 5) He trained to be a primary schoolteacher, and mentions Spencer’s “Essays on Education” in one of his epistles (Risalat al-‘aqa’id), but that does not mean that he knew about Spencer’s other works. In addition, as far as I am aware, he never referred to Spengler and Toynbee, who are the authors Mozaffari actually quotes to make his point. I do not agree that for Islamists ‘the future is nothing but the reproduction in modern conditions of the sublime model which must be re-constructed as close to the original model as possible’ (p. 8). Most Islamists, including al-Bann[ amacr ] , believe that although the texts – the Koran and the Sunna – are eternally valid, Muslims must use ijtihad (independent reasoning) for their adaptation to specific circumstances.2 Al-Bann[ amacr ] believed that parliamentary democracy was compatible with Islam – he even argued in one of his epistles that it was the closest to Islam of all modern political systems.3 Only some marginal groups – notably the small and sect-like al-Takfir wa-l-Hijra – sought to literally reproduce the state established by the prophet.
对迈赫迪·莫扎法里《欧洲极权主义下的伊斯兰主义崛起》的回应
莫扎法里(Mehdi Mozaffari)的文章提出了一种假设,即伊斯兰主义,就像欧洲两次世界大战之间的极权主义一样,是第一次世界大战和大帝国崩溃的间接后果。这是一个有趣的假设,尽管它是确定性的和简化的。不幸的是,我认为,事实并不支持莫扎法里的结论。虽然我同意Hasan al- ban [amacr]的意识形态有强烈的法西斯色彩,但我认为它是从欧洲传入的,而不是对哈里发政权终结的自发反应。正如我在其他地方所展示的,1穆斯林兄弟协会不是作为一个政治组织成立的,而是在20世纪30年代逐渐政治化的。法西斯主义被认为是埃及所需要的复兴意识形态,而王室和其他政治组织——尤其是法塔赫先生——都是意大利和德国政权的崇拜者,他们认为这两个政权成功地恢复了国家的荣誉和国际地位。我也不同意作者的一些事实主张。我不是一个社会学家,但我相信韦伯关于“世界的祛魅”的引用(第4-5页)指的是科学和理性主义已经能够解释世界的事实,因此世界不再是“一个谜”。这个词真的可以被理解为“对1918年后现代性的反常状况的观察”吗?另一方面,Hasan al-Bann[amacr]什么时候开始研究斯宾格勒、斯宾塞和汤因比?(第5页)他被训练成为一名小学教师,并在他的一封书信(Risalat al- ' aqa ' id)中提到了斯宾塞的《论教育》,但这并不意味着他知道斯宾塞的其他作品。此外,据我所知,他从来没有提到过斯宾格勒和汤因比,而莫扎法里实际上引用了这两位作者来阐述他的观点。我不同意对伊斯兰主义者来说,“未来不过是崇高模式在现代条件下的再生产,这种模式必须尽可能地重建,接近原始模式”(第8页)。包括al-Bann[amacr]在内的大多数伊斯兰主义者认为,尽管古兰经和圣训是永恒有效的,但穆斯林必须使用ijtihad(独立推理)来适应特定的环境Al-Bann[amacr]相信议会民主制与伊斯兰教是相容的——他甚至在他的一封书信中指出,这是所有现代政治制度中最接近伊斯兰教的只有一些边缘团体——尤其是像al-Takfir wa-l-Hijra这样的小宗派——试图真正复制先知建立的国家。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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