3. The Rise, Decline, and Reinforcement of the Crafts in the Service of the State

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Abstract

Historians’ opinions are divided as to the usefulness of the classical pattern of ascent, f lourishing, decay, and decline for the structural framework of analysis of political entities. In China, this had been a time-honoured concept applied to all dynastic histories. Yet it has been criticized because it focuses too much on the central government and is therefore not able to analyze socio-economic trends over periods that span several dynasties, most prominently the ‘commercial revolutions’ in the Song and the Ming.1 Nonetheless, since dynastic power did rise, flourish, and decline, this basic pattern for the shifts in power relations is certainly applicable to the core political decision-makers. This is especially so when it is combined with a complementary perspective on local and regional elites and bureaucracies, whose influence tends to increase after the central power has passed its apex.2 Naquin and Rawski have modif ied the paradigm with regard to the most influential networks or factions in the empire. In their three-phase model, imperial princes and Manchu institutions f irst wielded the greatest political power between 1644 and the 1730s; in the second phase, between the 1730s and the 1820s, the off icial examinations for both Manchus and Chinese were the career path to highest political influence, and the most powerful institution in the central government was the Grand Council. During the third phase, lasting from 1820 to the end of the Qing dynasty, extrabureaucratic, intellectual networks and provincial administrators dominated, although at the top of the central government, Manchu control resurged.3 It was not embodied in the persons of the young or weak emperors Xianfeng, Tongzhi, Guangxu, and Puyi but by their regents: Empress Dowager Cixi, the mother of the Tongzhi and the aunt of the Guangxu emperors, Prince Gong (Yixin, 1840-1891), the brother of the Xianfeng emperor, and Zaifeng (1883-1851), the father of the last emperor Puyi. In this sense, this could be considered dynastic decline if the power of the dynasty is associated only with the influence of the emperor. However,
3.为国家服务的手工业的兴起、衰落和加强
历史学家们对于古典的崛起、繁荣、衰败和衰落模式对于政治实体分析的结构框架是否有用存在分歧。在中国,这是一个古老的概念,适用于所有的朝代历史。然而,它也受到批评,因为它过于关注中央政府,因此无法分析跨越几个朝代的社会经济趋势,最突出的是宋明的“商业革命”。尽管如此,由于朝代权力确实兴起、繁荣和衰落,这种权力关系变化的基本模式当然适用于核心政治决策者。当它与地方和地区精英和官僚机构的互补视角相结合时尤其如此,这些精英和官僚机构的影响力往往在中央权力超过顶峰后增加Naquin和Rawski修改了关于帝国中最有影响力的网络或派系的范式。在他们的三阶段模型中,皇子和满族机构首先在1644年至1730年代掌握最大的政治权力;在第二阶段,即18世纪30年代至19世纪20年代之间,满族和汉人的科举考试都是通往最高政治影响力的职业道路,中央政府中最强大的机构是大公会议。在第三阶段,从1820年持续到清末,虽然在中央政府的高层,满族的控制重新抬头,但官僚之外的知识分子网络和省级行政人员占主导地位它不是体现在年轻或弱小的咸丰、同治、光绪和溥仪的身上,而是体现在他们的摄政王身上:慈禧太后,同治的母亲和光绪皇帝的姑姑,咸丰皇帝的兄弟恭亲王(1840-1891),以及最后一位皇帝溥仪的父亲载丰(1883-1851)。从这个意义上说,如果一个王朝的权力只与皇帝的影响力联系在一起,这可以被认为是王朝的衰落。然而,
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