Questions Formation in Musey

Brahim Adam
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Abstract

This article is interested in questions formation in Musey, a chadic language spoken in Chad and Cameroon. It comes within the competence of generative grammar. Kayne’s (1994) Antisymmetry and Rizzi’s (1997, 2001b) Split-CP are used for analyzing the Musey data. Musey is made up of arguments (nge (who) and mege (what)), referential adjuncts (saba (when), aige (where)) and non-referential adjuncts (an mege (how); kai mege (why)). They are focalized à la clause final comp and à la clause initial comp. Since the focus marker ni precedes focused arguments and adjuncts, they are hosted by Spec-FocP. In yes/no questions, the question marker su ends the structures and is hosted by IntP. In embedded questions, the lexical complementizer ana (that) is hosted by ForceP. This study leads to the following projections hierarchy: Int > Cleft > Foc > Force > Agr.
Musey中的问题形成
这篇文章感兴趣的是用穆塞语提问,穆塞语是乍得和喀麦隆使用的一种乍得语。它属于生成语法的范围。使用Kayne(1994)的反对称性和Rizzi (1997,2001b)的分裂- cp来分析Musey数据。Musey由参数(nge(谁)和mege(什么))、指称修饰词(saba(何时)、aige(何地))和非指称修饰词(an mege(如何))组成;(为什么))。它们是集中的状语从句最终状语和集中的状语从句初始状语。由于集中标记ni位于集中的论点和修饰词之前,因此它们由Spec-FocP托管。在是/否问题中,问号位于结构的末尾,由IntP承载。在嵌入式问题中,词法补语由forceep托管。本研究得出的投影层次为:Int > Cleft > Foc > Force > Agr。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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