Micheline Labelle. Racisme et Antiracisme Au Quebec. Discours et Declinaisons

M. Potvin
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引用次数: 1

Abstract

Micheline Labelle. Racisme et antiracisme au Quebec. Discours et declinaisons. Montreal : Presses de l'Universite du Quebec, 2010. 212 pp. $29.00 sc. This book purports to offer an analysis of the Quebec state's discourse on racism and anti-racism, as well as the position adopted by a few NGOs and citizens who submitted briefs to the 2006 public consultation on the government policy project designed to fight against racism. The book reviews numerous extracts from these "discourses;' round in various public policies and briefs. The author's main objective is to "question the soundness of certain agreed-upon (conventional) ways to approach the problem in Quebec" (158). Despite the book's attractive title and objectives, it exhibits important flaws and omissions, three of which are, in my view, significant: 1. The first one is the lack of conceptual framework for "discourse analysis" in a work that proposes to analyze "discourses" on racism and anti-racism. "Discourse analysis" covers a vast multidisciplinary field, that comprises numerous approaches and theoretical debates (Foucault's theory on discourse, Habermas's discourse ethics, etcetera). 2. The second one is the book's ambition to cover "the Quebec State's discourse" during the 2000s--the "State" comprises many levels of government, normative powers (executive, legislative, judicial), institutions and actors--while it only analyzes the "governmental discourse," from a few recent provincial policies. Hence, one can question the book's choice of ministries and institutions, of NGOs and citizens, because there is no justification of the selection criteria. Why were the Ministry of Education and the Ministry of Health excluded, given that they have adopted policies that concern racism and anti-racism? Why exclude the discourse of intellectuals, of researchers or even that of the media surrounding the 2006 consultation? Why limit one's analysis to 29 briefs out of 124, when the author submits, in conclusion, that a "strong consensus emanated from all 124 briefs" (157)? Consequently, there are astonishing omissions regarding the problematization of racism and anti-racism in Quebec. When the author describes the issues and theoretical debates, she fails not only to mention the issues that arise from ethnic and power relationships specific to the Quebecois context, but also the issues that are specific to Quebec research on this question. The author's survey of the literature, focused on American and European documentation, cannot provide the theoretical and historical context in Quebec, and the international issues, although relevant, cannot shed light on the reasons underlying the different positions that emanate from the various "discourses" in Quebec, nor on how they were expressed. Labelle fails to mention the views expressed by Quebec researchers since the 2000s concerning the government's discourse, especially recent analysis that puts into perspective the strengths and weaknesses of the government's discourse on racism (e.g., Marhraoui, McAndrew, Potvin). A more inclusive reading of research in Quebec would have allowed her to avoid certain misleading statements on "the authors" (which ones?) who, she states, analyze neo-racism while negating social representations that are linked to colonial racism, who confuse anti-racism and managing diversity, who adopt an overly extensive (or intersectional) approach. …
Micheline Labelle)。魁北克的种族主义和反种族主义。言语和词形变化
米舍利娜Labelle。魁北克的种族主义和反种族主义。话语与衰落。蒙特利尔:魁北克大学出版社,2010。本书旨在分析魁北克省关于种族主义和反种族主义的论述,以及一些非政府组织和公民在2006年针对政府反种族主义政策项目的公众咨询中所采取的立场。这本书回顾了这些“话语”的许多摘录,围绕在各种公共政策和简报中。作者的主要目的是“质疑魁北克解决这一问题的某些商定(传统)方法的合理性”(158)。尽管这本书的标题和目标都很吸引人,但它也暴露了一些重要的缺陷和遗漏,在我看来,其中有三点很重要:1。首先,在一部试图分析种族主义和反种族主义“话语”的著作中,缺乏“话语分析”的概念框架。“话语分析”涵盖了一个广阔的多学科领域,它包含了许多方法和理论争论(福柯的话语理论,哈贝马斯的话语伦理学,等等)。2. 第二点是本书想要涵盖21世纪初“魁北克省的话语”——“国家”包括各级政府、规范性权力(行政、立法、司法)、机构和行动者——而它只分析了“政府话语”,来自最近的一些省级政策。因此,人们可以质疑这本书对部委和机构、非政府组织和公民的选择,因为它没有选择标准的理由。教育部和卫生部既然采取了涉及种族主义和反种族主义的政策,为什么被排除在外?为什么要排除知识分子、研究人员甚至是围绕2006年磋商的媒体的话语?当作者在结论中提出“所有124份摘要都产生了强烈的共识”(157)时,为什么要将分析限制在124份摘要中的29份?因此,在魁北克种族主义和反种族主义问题化方面有令人吃惊的遗漏。当作者描述问题和理论辩论时,她不仅没有提到魁北克背景下特定的种族和权力关系所产生的问题,而且也没有提到魁北克对这个问题的研究所特有的问题。作者对文献的调查侧重于美国和欧洲文献,无法提供魁北克的理论和历史背景,国际问题虽然相关,但无法阐明魁北克各种“话语”产生不同立场的原因,也无法阐明它们是如何表达的。Labelle没有提到自2000年代以来魁北克研究人员对政府话语的看法,特别是最近对政府种族主义话语的优势和弱点的分析(例如Marhraoui, McAndrew, Potvin)。对魁北克的研究进行更全面的阅读,可以让她避免对“作者”(哪些作者?)的某些误导性陈述,她说,这些作者在分析新种族主义的同时否定了与殖民种族主义有关的社会表现,他们混淆了反种族主义和管理多样性,他们采用了过于广泛(或交叉)的方法。...
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