Nationalism, Culinary Coherence, and the Case of the United States: An Empirical or Conceptual Problem?

A. Trubek
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Abstract

There is no coherent narrative, easily accessible, when addressing American national cuisine. Familiar narrative tropes of history and anthropology—continuity and change over the longue durée, a before and after analysis after a seminal political or economic event, the tireless burden of one group or the status benefits of another—can address elements but do not really help to connect the dots or create a definitive road map. There may not be a ‘there’ there, no evident system that integrates identity (American) with culinary practices (shared ingredients, techniques, and dishes). Without a clearly identifiable set of components and with no clear mode of integration, does it, in fact exist? It could not be said of the United States, though, that her vast geography has never been integrated through national projects from the concrete to the abstract: parks, roadways, and bridges, public education, military might. Perhaps, though, the problem of a national cuisine for the United States lies in the necessary reliance on the everyday acts of its citizens as much as the explicit efforts of the nation-state in order for its existence. As in the question, if you build it, will they come, what about if everyone does not make the same food or identify the food they make as uniquely American, does a national cuisine exist? The problem, then, might be one of culture not of politics. Priscilla Parkhurst Ferguson defines cuisine as a “cultural construct that systematizes culinary practices and transmutes the spontaneous culinary gesture into a stable cultural code” (2004: 3). She uses this definition to help explain the strength and solidity of French cuisine, arguably a world-renowned national cuisine, one, as she points out, embedded in the initial development of the French nation; the stories of the acts of revolution themselves, the attempts to overthrow monarchy and replace it with democracy, were associated with food: “let them eat cake.” Food reproduces and reinforces ideas of French-ness both as culture and nation: “the cuisine of France ... is greater than the sum of its parts” (2004: 6). The concept of American culture does not begin to The Emergence of National Food Nationalism, Culinary Coherence and the Case of the United States
民族主义、烹饪一致性与美国的案例:一个经验问题还是概念问题?
在谈到美国的民族美食时,没有一个连贯的、容易理解的叙述。熟悉的历史和人类学叙事修辞——在漫长的时间里的连续性和变化,在重大政治或经济事件之后的前后分析,一个群体的不知疲倦的负担或另一个群体的地位利益——可以解决一些因素,但并不能真正帮助连接各个点或创建一个明确的路线图。那里可能没有“那里”,没有明显的系统将身份(美国人)与烹饪实践(共享食材、技术和菜肴)结合起来。如果没有清晰可识别的组件集,没有清晰的集成模式,它实际上存在吗?然而,美国却不能说,她广袤的地理从来没有通过从具体到抽象的国家项目来整合:公园、道路、桥梁、公共教育、军事力量。然而,也许,美国民族美食的问题在于它对公民日常行为的必要依赖,就像民族国家为了生存而做出的明确努力一样。就像这个问题一样,如果你建了它,他们会来吗,如果每个人都不做同样的食物,或者认为他们做的食物是美国独有的,那国家美食存在吗?那么,问题可能在于文化而非政治。普丽西拉·帕克赫斯特·弗格森(Priscilla Parkhurst Ferguson)将烹饪定义为“一种文化结构,它将烹饪实践系统化,并将自发的烹饪姿态转化为稳定的文化代码”(2004:3)。她用这一定义来帮助解释法国烹饪的力量和坚固性,法国烹饪可以说是世界闻名的民族美食,正如她指出的那样,它植根于法国民族的最初发展;革命行动本身的故事,推翻君主制并以民主取而代之的尝试,都与食物有关:“让他们吃蛋糕吧。”食物再现并强化了法国文化和民族的理念:“法国美食……(2004: 6)美国文化的概念并没有从国家食品民族主义的出现、烹饪一致性和美国的案例开始
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