Book Review: Spaces of modernity: London’s geographies 1680-1780

I. Borden
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Abstract

the Palais Royal is understood as the site of ‘an alternate ordering of society to that which existed in France at the time’. More generally, each heterotopia ‘stands in contrast to the taken-for-granted mundane idea of social order that exists within society’, or is seen ‘as juxtaposing another way of acting against that which prevails and dominates’. The difficulty here is not with the notion of heterotopia, but with the social and spatial homogeneity which this understanding of space forces onto non-heterotopic places, as ‘prevailing’ social orders become singular, identifiable and hegemonic. This social theory is unsatisfying both theoretically and empirically. The position is particularly problematic when it comes to discussing modernity, as Hetherington wants to do. He understands modernity through and against Zygmunt Bauman’s work, and thus as a mode of ordering which combines and opposes total freedom and total control. Here heterotopias are those spaces which produce a utopics of freedom and/or discipline, and become the points of passage through which social relations can be remade in modern form: the Palais Royal and the French Revolution, the Masonic lodge and the public sphere, and the factory and capitalist production. However, in setting these transformative spaces against the undefined background of the Ancien Régime Hetherington replays a commonplace history of modernity: a break from one state, a period of transformation, and the establishment of another state. Instead of letting the complexities of the historical geographies of modernity weave an alternative story of partial, fragmented and interlocking states and transformations, this sociology seems to be defined by the compulsions of a conventional temporal ordering of social change. This is also emphasized by what the examples have in common. It is not simply that, as Hetherington argues, all of them are associated with the new bourgeois class, although that may lead to emphasizing some stories and occluding others. It is more that they all share the same spatial scale: the architectural. Because of this they share a tale of the willed transformation of space towards utopic goals (although, admittedly, the Palais Royal is more a place of unintended consequences than either the Masonic lodge or the factory). It also means that there is no place for the landscapes, networks and frontiers that offer different geographies of modernity at other scales: regional, national and global. Instead of a heterogeneous panoply of modernities whose strands and surfaces interweave and crosscut through a variety of spatialities, we are only offered a few walled-off heterotopias which, in the way the examples are researched and presented, are not pursued in enough depth to reveal their detailed histories, ambiguities and connections. The badlands have a much more complex geography than this one.
书评:现代性的空间:1680-1780年的伦敦地理
皇家宫殿被认为是“与当时法国社会秩序不同的社会秩序”的所在地。更一般地说,每个异托邦都“与社会中存在的理所当然的世俗社会秩序观念形成对比”,或者被视为“与盛行和支配的行为方式并列”。这里的困难不在于异位的概念,而在于这种对空间的理解将社会和空间的同质性强加于非异位的地方,因为“主流的”社会秩序变得单一、可识别和霸权。这种社会理论在理论上和经验上都不能令人满意。在讨论现代性时,这一立场尤其成问题,而赫瑟林顿正是想这样做。他通过齐格蒙特·鲍曼的作品来理解现代性,并反对他的作品,因此他认为现代性是一种秩序模式,它结合了完全自由和完全控制,又反对完全自由和完全控制。在这里,异托邦是那些产生自由和/或纪律乌托邦的空间,并成为社会关系可以以现代形式重塑的通道点:皇宫和法国大革命,共济会和公共领域,工厂和资本主义生产。然而,赫瑟林顿将这些变革的空间置于不确定的古代社会背景之下,再现了一段平凡的现代性历史:脱离一个国家,一段时期的转型,以及另一个国家的建立。这种社会学似乎是由社会变革的传统时间秩序的强迫所定义的,而不是让现代性的历史地理的复杂性编织出一个局部的、碎片化的、相互关联的国家和变革的替代故事。这些例子的共同点也强调了这一点。并非像赫瑟林顿所说的那样,所有这些故事都与新资产阶级有关,尽管这可能会导致强调某些故事而掩盖其他故事。更重要的是,它们都有相同的空间尺度:建筑。正因为如此,他们分享了一个关于空间向乌托邦目标转变的故事(尽管,不可否认的是,与共济会会所或工厂相比,皇家宫殿更像是一个意想不到的后果的地方)。这也意味着,在其他尺度上(地区、国家和全球)提供不同的现代性地理的景观、网络和边界没有立足之地。我们没有看到各种各样的现代性,它们的线和表面交织在一起,横切在各种空间中,我们只提供了一些被隔离的异托邦,以研究和呈现的方式,这些异托邦没有足够的深度来揭示它们的详细历史、模糊性和联系。荒地的地形比这里复杂得多。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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