Dividing 'Citizens United': The Case v. The Controversy

L. Tribe
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引用次数: 1

Abstract

In the five years since "Citizens United", that notorious and much-misunderstood Supreme Court decision has become more than just a case: it has become a symbol, a rallying cry. For some, it is an emblem of free speech values at their best. For others, it is a symptom of a deep sickness in our body politic. But we should not forget that it was a case first, with a plaintiff who wanted to distribute a political movie and was told "no."As a case dealing with a particular controversy over a proposed publication, I believe "Citizens United" was rightly decided, for the reasons I discuss in Part I, even if it was resolved in a way that was symptomatic of judicial overreach all too common on the current Court. But as a symbol and a symptom, "Citizens United" has broader significance reflected in the Court's eventual opinion. It represents a bizarrely cramped and naive vision of political corruption and improper influence in the electoral process — one that has become characteristic of Roberts Court campaign finance law. And, more broadly, it is part of a trend in First Amendment law that is transforming that body of doctrine into a charter of largely untrammeled libertarianism, in which the regulation of virtually all forms of speech and all kinds of speakers is treated with the same heavy dose of judicial skepticism, with exceptions perversely calculated to expose particularly vulnerable and valuable sorts of expression to unconvincingly justified suppression. It is those trends, rather than the outcome of "Citizens United" as applied to the facts before the Court, that need to be revisited. Part II provides a first cut at rethinking campaign finance law. This effort is informed by the recognition that there are few if any easy answers in this field. The First Amendment requires hard choices about seriously conflicting yet equally foundational constitutional values: democracy, liberty, equality. Each one of these values is contested; no single value or theory can or should reign supreme. But, as I strive to show, the Supreme Court has started to privilege — throughout First Amendment law — an overly skeptical and distrustful understanding of democracy and a too rigid and mechanical approach to liberty, leaving equality increasingly out of the picture. I believe the Court would do well to rethink that approach.
分裂“联合公民”:案件与争议
在“联合公民案”之后的五年里,这个臭名昭著且饱受误解的最高法院裁决已经不仅仅是一个案件:它已经成为一个象征,一个战斗口号。对一些人来说,这是言论自由价值的象征。对另一些人来说,这是我们国家的一种严重疾病的症状。但我们不应忘记,这首先是一个案件,原告想要发行一部政治电影,却被拒绝了。“作为一个涉及拟议出版物的特定争议的案件,我认为,基于我在第一部分中讨论的原因,‘公民联合案’的判决是正确的,即使它的解决方式是当前法院过于普遍的司法越权的症状。但作为一种象征和症状,“公民联合”具有更广泛的意义,反映在最高法院的最终意见中。它代表了一种奇怪的狭隘和天真的观点,即政治腐败和选举过程中的不当影响——这已成为罗伯茨法院竞选财务法的特征。更广泛地说,这是《第一修正案》的一种趋势的一部分,这种趋势正在将这一学说转变为一种基本上不受约束的自由主义宪章,在这种宪章中,对几乎所有形式的言论和所有类型的说话者的监管都受到同样严重的司法怀疑主义的对待,而那些特别脆弱和有价值的言论则被反常地计算出来,使其受到难以令人信服的正当压制。需要重新审视的是这些趋势,而不是将“联合公民”的结果应用于在法院里的事实。第二部分提供了重新思考竞选财务法的第一步。这一努力是由于认识到在这一领域很少有简单的答案。《第一修正案》要求我们在民主、自由和平等这些严重冲突但同样基本的宪法价值观之间做出艰难选择。这些价值观中的每一个都是有争议的;没有任何单一的价值观或理论能够或应该至高无上。但是,正如我努力表明的那样,最高法院已经开始——通过第一修正案——对民主的过度怀疑和不信任的理解以及对自由的过于僵化和机械的方法给予特权,使平等越来越远离画面。我认为,法院最好重新考虑这种做法。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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