Presidents and the Politics of Centralized Control: Regulatory Auditing at the Office of Information and Regulatory Affairs

Alex Acs, C. Cameron
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引用次数: 5

Abstract

The emergence of a vast administrative state is a hallmark "arguably the hallmark" of modern government. As was quickly understood by Woodrow Wilson and other early students of American political development, the presence of gigantic standing bureaucracies with enormous scope and power presents not merely a problem in public administration; it presents a problem in brute politics. The crux of the matter, as a leading scholar of public management rather dryly notes, is that "whoever controls the bureaucracy controls a key part of the policy process" [Lewis 2008]. The problem of political control is acute for Congress. Not surprisingly, it became an analytical focus of the "new institutionalist" revolution in scholarship on Congress and the administrative state [McNollgast 1987], [Ferejohn and Shipan 1990], [Epstein and O'Halloran 1999]. But the problem of control is equally if not more acute for America's chief executive officer, the President: How can one man, aided by a relative handful of confederates, exert effective control over rule making in the agencies? Presidents, working diligently and with considerable ingenuity, have responded to the challenge by developing a remarkable set of tools for controlling policy making in the administrative state. Perhaps the most important is "politicization," the systematic placement of loyal subordinates into supervisory positions within the agencies [Lewis 2008]. But others include: - Centralized budgeting [Tomkin 1998], - Direct command through executive orders [Howell 2003], - Centralized review and direction of the agencies’legislative programs [Rudalevige 2002], [Neustadt 1954], and - Reorganizing or terminating agencies [Lewis 2003]. One of the newest tools, and potentially a puissant one, is direct centralized review and revision of the agencies' proposed rules. This tool (innovated by the Nixon Administration but solidly institutionalized during the Reagan Administration, and then retained by every subsequent president) can be seen as the apotheosis of the centralizing tendencies of the American presidency, noted so crisply in Moe's classic analysis [Moe 1985]. The locus for the President's centralized review and revision of agency rules is the Office of Information and Regulatory A¤airs (OIRA) in the office of Management and Budget (OMB). In a very real sense, OIRA is the point of the spear in the President's battle to exert direct centralized control over agency rules.
总统和集中控制的政治:信息和监管事务办公室的监管审计
一个庞大的行政国家的出现是现代政府的一个标志,“可以说是标志”。伍德罗·威尔逊(Woodrow Wilson)和其他早期研究美国政治发展的学生很快就明白,拥有巨大范围和权力的庞大常设官僚机构的存在,不仅是公共管理方面的问题;这是野蛮政治的一个问题。正如一位著名的公共管理学者相当冷淡地指出的那样,问题的关键在于“谁控制了官僚机构,谁就控制了政策过程的关键部分”[Lewis 2008]。对国会来说,政治控制的问题非常尖锐。毫不奇怪,它成为国会和行政国家学术领域“新制度主义”革命的分析焦点[mcnolgast 1987], [Ferejohn and Shipan 1990], [Epstein and O'Halloran 1999]。但是,对于美国的首席执行官——总统来说,控制问题即使不是更严重,也是同样严重的:一个人如何在相对少数的同盟者的帮助下,对各机构的规则制定施加有效的控制?总统们勤奋工作,具有相当的独创性,通过开发一套非凡的工具来控制行政国家的政策制定,应对了这一挑战。也许最重要的是“政治化”,即系统地将忠诚的下属置于机构内的监督职位[Lewis 2008]。但其他包括:-集中预算[Tomkin 1998], -通过行政命令直接指挥[Howell 2003], -集中审查和指导机构的立法计划[Rudalevige 2002], [Neustadt 1954],以及-重组或终止机构[Lewis 2003]。最新的工具之一,可能是一个强有力的工具,是直接集中审查和修订机构拟议的规则。这一工具(由尼克松政府创新,但在里根政府期间牢固制度化,然后被后来的每一位总统保留)可以被视为美国总统集权倾向的典范,在Moe的经典分析中如此清晰地指出[Moe 1985]。总统集中审查和修订机构规则的场所是管理和预算办公室(OMB)中的信息和监管办公室(OIRA)。在一个非常真实的意义上,OIRA是总统对机构规则施加直接集中控制的战斗中的矛尖。
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