The different Merge positions of the different types of relative clauses

Abstract

A frequent, implicit, assumption is that the different types of relative clauses (nonrestrictive, restrictive, amount, kind-defi ning, infi nitival and reduced participial relatives) are in one and the same language merged in one and the same position. Here, evidence will be presented that their merger is actually at different heights of the nominal extended projection. 1. The merge positions of non-integrated and integrated nonrestrictives As noted in Cinque (2008), non-integrated nonrestrictive relative clauses (RCs) are ‘outside’ of the sentence containing the head, in a structure which is impermeable to sentence grammar relations (Agree, Binding, etc.) despite the asymmetric c-command relation existing between the head and the RC under the extension of the LCA to Discourse Grammar. As expected, given the higher merger of non-integrated nonrestrictives, in head-initial languages such as Italian in (1) where they are both postnominal, non-integrated nonrestrictive RCs necessarily follow integrated ones. 1 To Sten with sympathy and admiration. I wish to thank an anonymous reviewer and Ken Ramshøj Christensen for their comments on a previous version of this article. Ken Ramshøj Christensen, Henrik Jørgensen & Johanna L. Wood (eds.). 2019. The Sign of the V – Papers in Honour of Sten Vikner. Dept. of English, School of Communication & Culture, Aarhus University, pp. 131–147, doi:10.7146/aul.348.93. © The author(s).