Piercing the Veil of Political Altruism, or, Why Political Rules Are Weird

E. Alston
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Abstract

Defining rules politically poses the general question of which aspects of social ordering are tractable to public institutional resolution. But not all institutions emerge from the same processes of spontaneous ordering; self-interest subject to market discipline looks very different than self-interest subject to political discipline. Because of the structural way in which changes to political rules result in distributional consequences compared to the political status quo, their emergence is fundamentally governed by the dynamics of political self-interest. In contrast, while the public definition of economic institutions is also governed by political self-interest, economic dynamics can redefine this political self-interest in socially beneficial ways. Through the analysis of the emergence of the Australian ballot and the general corporate form in the 19th Century US, I argue that public economic institutional change is a process more tractable to constructivist influence. This is because dynamic economic forces (which operate through mutually beneficial exchange) can disrupt political economic equilibria. In contrast, constructivist political change is necessarily competitive, which makes such change less intrinsically related to longer-term emergent benefits to social ordering.
揭开政治利他主义的面纱,或者,为什么政治规则是奇怪的
从政治上定义规则提出了一个普遍的问题,即社会秩序的哪些方面易于公共机构的解决。但并非所有制度都产生于相同的自发秩序过程;受市场约束的自身利益与受政治约束的自身利益看起来非常不同。由于与政治现状相比,政治规则的变化导致分配后果的结构性方式,它们的出现从根本上受政治自身利益的动态支配。相比之下,虽然经济制度的公共定义也受到政治私利的支配,但经济动态可以以有利于社会的方式重新定义这种政治私利。通过对澳大利亚选票的出现和19世纪美国一般公司形式的分析,我认为公共经济制度变革是一个更容易受到建构主义影响的过程。这是因为动态的经济力量(通过互利交换运作)可以破坏政治经济平衡。相比之下,建构主义的政治变革必然是竞争性的,这使得这种变革与社会秩序的长期新兴利益之间的内在联系较少。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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