{"title":"Is the Individual Health Insurance Mandate Constitutional?","authors":"John J. Painter","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.2002734","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"The Supreme Court is about to hear a case of great legal and political importance. At issue is the constitutionality of the so-called “individual mandate” in the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act, which requires most Americans to purchase health insurance starting in 2014 or pay a monetary penalty.The question is whether Congress exceeded its Constitutional power to regulate “Commerce...among the several States” (i.e., regulate interstate commerce) and to make laws “necessary and proper” to carry into effect that power. It’s unlikely the Obama Administration can justify the individual mandate as a regulation of interstate commerce. How can the failure to purchase health insurance in itself be considered commerce, let alone interstate commerce? If that is interstate commerce, what can’t Congress force us to purchase? For that reason, the outcome of the case will likely turn on whether the individual mandate is both “necessary” and “proper” to carry into effect Congress’s power to regulate interstate commerce. To succeed on the “necessary” test, the Obama Administration must make constitutional arguments that don’t have any logical limits and therefore give Congress vast powers over our lives, and this undermines its ability to show that the individual mandate also meets the “proper” test, which requires that it be consistent with “the letter and spirit of the constitution.”On its face, the individual mandate fails the \"proper\" test. It abandons the long-standing legal principle that legally binding contracts require mutual assent and cannot be coerced. This crosses a line the federal government has never crossed and effectively tramples on “The powers...reserved...to the people” under the Tenth Amendment. It is inconsistent with the fundamental concept of self-ownership that underlies the theory of natural rights in the Declaration of Independence - the idea that we own ourselves and, therefore, have the right to be left alone as long as we honor the equal right of others to be left alone.Beyond that, the Administration’s expansive view of the commerce power creates a sea of federal power limited only by islands of individual rights (and limits on using the commerce power to regulate non-economic activity), and that is inconsistent with the letter and spirit of the Constitution: It imposes virtually the same limits on federal and state power and, therefore, effectively gives the federal government the same “police powers” as the states. It puts liberty at risk by relying entirely on individual rights to protect us against things like mandated doctor visits and exercise. For example, the Supreme Court has found an unenumerated “right to liberty” only where there is no harm to others. The courts could easily decide that skipping annual physicals or living a sedentary life harms others by raising medical costs for some and insurance premiums for all. The Administration makes the following arguments to allay concerns about the threat to liberty its theories pose, but those arguments don’t stand up to scrutiny: The government imposes the equivalent of mandates all the time. Economic mandates are no more intrusive than regulations or prohibitions of chosen activity. Congress can use its taxing power to achieve the same ends, so using the commerce power is permitted. We can rely on the political process to protect our liberty.","PeriodicalId":125020,"journal":{"name":"Political Institutions: Legislatures eJournal","volume":"3 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2012-03-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Political Institutions: Legislatures eJournal","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2002734","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"","JCRName":"","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Abstract
The Supreme Court is about to hear a case of great legal and political importance. At issue is the constitutionality of the so-called “individual mandate” in the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act, which requires most Americans to purchase health insurance starting in 2014 or pay a monetary penalty.The question is whether Congress exceeded its Constitutional power to regulate “Commerce...among the several States” (i.e., regulate interstate commerce) and to make laws “necessary and proper” to carry into effect that power. It’s unlikely the Obama Administration can justify the individual mandate as a regulation of interstate commerce. How can the failure to purchase health insurance in itself be considered commerce, let alone interstate commerce? If that is interstate commerce, what can’t Congress force us to purchase? For that reason, the outcome of the case will likely turn on whether the individual mandate is both “necessary” and “proper” to carry into effect Congress’s power to regulate interstate commerce. To succeed on the “necessary” test, the Obama Administration must make constitutional arguments that don’t have any logical limits and therefore give Congress vast powers over our lives, and this undermines its ability to show that the individual mandate also meets the “proper” test, which requires that it be consistent with “the letter and spirit of the constitution.”On its face, the individual mandate fails the "proper" test. It abandons the long-standing legal principle that legally binding contracts require mutual assent and cannot be coerced. This crosses a line the federal government has never crossed and effectively tramples on “The powers...reserved...to the people” under the Tenth Amendment. It is inconsistent with the fundamental concept of self-ownership that underlies the theory of natural rights in the Declaration of Independence - the idea that we own ourselves and, therefore, have the right to be left alone as long as we honor the equal right of others to be left alone.Beyond that, the Administration’s expansive view of the commerce power creates a sea of federal power limited only by islands of individual rights (and limits on using the commerce power to regulate non-economic activity), and that is inconsistent with the letter and spirit of the Constitution: It imposes virtually the same limits on federal and state power and, therefore, effectively gives the federal government the same “police powers” as the states. It puts liberty at risk by relying entirely on individual rights to protect us against things like mandated doctor visits and exercise. For example, the Supreme Court has found an unenumerated “right to liberty” only where there is no harm to others. The courts could easily decide that skipping annual physicals or living a sedentary life harms others by raising medical costs for some and insurance premiums for all. The Administration makes the following arguments to allay concerns about the threat to liberty its theories pose, but those arguments don’t stand up to scrutiny: The government imposes the equivalent of mandates all the time. Economic mandates are no more intrusive than regulations or prohibitions of chosen activity. Congress can use its taxing power to achieve the same ends, so using the commerce power is permitted. We can rely on the political process to protect our liberty.
最高法院即将审理一个具有重大法律和政治意义的案件。争论的焦点是《患者保护和平价医疗法案》(Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act)中所谓的“个人授权”是否符合宪法,该法案要求大多数美国人从2014年开始购买医疗保险,否则将支付罚款。问题是国会是否超越了宪法赋予的权力来规范“商业……(即管理州际贸易),并制定“必要和适当”的法律来实施这一权力。奥巴马政府不太可能证明个人强制购买是对州际贸易的监管。没有购买健康保险本身怎么能被认为是商业,更不用说州际商业了?如果这是州际贸易,国会不能强迫我们购买什么?出于这个原因,该案件的结果可能会取决于个人强制购买是否“必要”和“适当”,以实施国会监管州际贸易的权力。为了通过“必要”检验,奥巴马政府必须提出没有任何逻辑限制的宪法论据,从而赋予国会对我们生活的巨大权力,这削弱了它证明个人强制医保也符合“适当”检验的能力,而“适当”检验要求它与“宪法的文字和精神”保持一致。从表面上看,个人强制医保未能通过“适当”的检验。它抛弃了长期存在的法律原则,即具有法律约束力的合同需要双方同意,不能强迫。这跨越了联邦政府从未跨越的界限,有效地践踏了“保留的权力……”根据第十修正案的规定这与作为《独立宣言》中自然权利理论基础的自我所有权的基本概念是不一致的,即我们拥有自己,因此,只要我们尊重他人不受打扰的平等权利,就有权不受打扰。除此之外,政府对商业权力的广泛看法造成了联邦权力的海洋,只受到个人权利岛屿的限制(以及对使用商业权力调节非经济活动的限制),这与宪法的文字和精神不符:它对联邦和州权力施加了几乎相同的限制,因此,有效地赋予了联邦政府与各州相同的“警察权力”。它把自由置于危险之中,因为它完全依赖于个人权利来保护我们免受强制医生检查和锻炼等事情的侵害。例如,最高法院认定,只有在不会对他人造成伤害的情况下,才有一种未列举的“自由权”。法院可以很容易地裁定,不参加年度体检或久坐不动的生活方式会增加一些人的医疗费用和所有人的保险费,从而损害他人。政府提出了以下论点,以减轻人们对其理论对自由构成威胁的担忧,但这些论点经不起推诿:政府一直在施加等同于命令的东西。经济指令的侵入性并不比规定或禁止选定的活动更强。国会可以利用其征税权来达到同样的目的,因此使用商业权力是允许的。我们可以依靠政治程序来保护我们的自由。