No escape from the island: On extraction from complement wh-clauses in English

Ken Ramshøj Christensen, Anne Mette Nyvad
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引用次数: 2

Abstract

In theoretical syntax, English complement wh-clause are considered syntactic islands which block extraction in an asymmetric way: Argument extraction is more acceptable than adjunct extraction. Though this pattern is often assumed to be universal, studies have shown that Danish (and other Mainland Scandinavian languages) may be exceptions. It has also been argued that the patterns of (un)acceptability are biased by expert intuitions. We present data from 100 native speakers of English which confi rms (i) that English complement wh-clauses are islands, (ii) that there is a (subtle) argumentadjunct asymmetry, and (iii) that this acceptability pattern is not due to participant bias. Together with earlier fi ndings on Danish, these results are compatible with an island account that relies on parametric variation in the possibility of CP-recursion.
无路可逃:论英语补语wh从句的提取
在理论句法中,英语补语wh子句被认为是句法孤岛,它以不对称的方式阻碍提取:论点提取比补语提取更容易被接受。虽然这种模式通常被认为是普遍的,但研究表明丹麦语(和其他斯堪的纳维亚大陆语言)可能是例外。也有人认为,(不)可接受性的模式受到专家直觉的偏见。我们提供了来自100名英语母语人士的数据,这些数据证实了(i)英语补语wh-从句是孤立的,(ii)有一种(微妙的)论点和副语不对称,以及(iii)这种可接受模式不是由于参与者偏见。与丹麦早期的研究结果一起,这些结果与依赖于cp递归可能性的参数变化的岛屿解释相一致。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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