Shortchanging Small Business: How Big Businesses Dominate State Economic Development Incentives

G. Leroy, Carolyn Fryberger, Kasia Tarczynska, Thomas Cafcas, Elizabeth Bird, Philip Mattera
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引用次数: 11

Abstract

An analysis of more than 4,200 economic development incentive awards in 14 states finds that large companies received dominant shares, ranging between 80 and 96 percent of their dollar values. The deals, worth more than $3.2 billion, were granted in recent years by programs that, on their faces, are equally accessible to small and large companies. Yet big businesses overall were awarded 90 percent of the dollars from the programs analyzed, indicating a profound bias against small businesses.The fact that there is a slight amount of variation in the degree of big-business dominance among the states is not meaningful, since the programs vary in their targeting as does the industrial composition of the states covered. The key finding is how consistently the programs favor big businesses. This study errs to the generous in counting small businesses by assuming every award is to a small business unless proven otherwise. It also uses a multiple-variable set of criteria to define large businesses, informed by the small business groups whose opinions we recently published. Those criteria account for employment size as well as total number of establishments and local or independent ownership. Given small businesses’ important role in the economy — and their still-lingering credit access problems coming out the Great Recession — this massive allocation of tax breaks to big businesses is wasteful and ineffective economic development policy. As a policy solution, we do not recommend a simple reallocation of deals and dollars. Incentives such as those analyzed here often mean little to small businesses. Small business leaders whom we surveyed in our recent report In Search of a Level Playing Field, say that public goods such as education, transportation and job training that benefit all employers deserve more support. They emphasized that the long-lingering credit crunch from the Great Recession is their greatest challenge. To fund these public investments and credit access needs, we recommend that states reform their incentive rules by narrowing eligibility to exclude large recipients. One could call it means testing corporate welfare. To do so is entirely consistent with the theory of incentives, which is to address “market imperfections,” or to “prime the pump” and then pull back when the market’s invisible hand takes over.At the very least, states should substantially reduce the total amount of subsidy dollars flowing to big businesses, using safeguards such as dollar caps per deal (to end the surge since 2008 in nine- and ten-figure “megadeals”), dollar caps per job (to prevent the astronomical subsidy rates associated with capital-intensive projects like micro-chip fabrication plants), and dollar caps per company (to prevent a dominant employer from distorting spending).
亏待小企业:大企业如何主导国家经济发展激励
一项对14个州4200多个经济发展激励奖的分析发现,大公司获得了占主导地位的股份,占其美元价值的80%至96%。这些价值超过32亿美元的交易是近年来通过的项目,从表面上看,大小公司都可以获得这些交易。然而,总的来说,大企业从所分析的项目中获得了90%的资金,这表明对小企业的严重偏见。各州大企业占主导地位的程度略有不同,这一事实没有意义,因为这些计划的目标不同,所覆盖的州的工业构成也不同。关键的发现是,这些项目如何始终有利于大企业。这项研究假设每一项奖励都是给小企业的,除非得到证明,否则在计算小企业方面是错误的。它还使用一套多变量标准来定义大型企业,这些标准由我们最近公布的小型企业团体的意见提供信息。这些标准考虑到就业人数、机构总数以及当地或独立所有权。考虑到小企业在经济中的重要作用,以及他们在大衰退后仍然挥之不去的信贷问题,这种大规模的税收减免分配给大企业是浪费和无效的经济发展政策。作为一种政策解决方案,我们不建议简单地重新分配交易和资金。这里分析的这些激励措施对小企业来说往往意义不大。我们在最近的报告《寻找公平的竞争环境》中对小企业领袖进行了调查,他们表示,教育、交通和职业培训等有益于所有雇主的公共产品应该得到更多的支持。他们强调,大衰退带来的长期信贷紧缩是他们面临的最大挑战。为了资助这些公共投资和信贷获取需求,我们建议各州改革其激励规则,缩小资格范围,排除大额接受者。我们可以称之为对企业福利的手段测试。这样做完全符合激励理论,即解决“市场缺陷”,或者“启动水泵”,然后在市场看不见的手接管时撤回。至少,各州应该大幅减少流向大企业的补贴总额,使用诸如每笔交易的美元上限(以结束自2008年以来激增的九位数和十位数的“巨型交易”)、每个工作的美元上限(以防止与微芯片制造工厂等资本密集型项目相关的天文数字补贴率)和每个公司的美元上限(以防止主导雇主扭曲支出)等保障措施。
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