A Community Performed: St. Nicholas, Lucifer, and Invented Tradition

Karen L. Gygli
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引用次数: 1

Abstract

Immigrants to the United States have used many strategies in order to survive and flourish, emotionally as well as materially, in the new environment surrounding them. The attempt to preserve traditions has been one such strategy. Festivals, food, songs, folktales, and performances have long served as a means of affirming identity and preserving some semblance of continuity while adapting to tremendous cultural change. However, this strategy cannot stem the tide entirely: some traditions die out because they are no longer relevant, some traditions are adapted to new surroundings, and some "traditions" are in reality invented to preserve group identity, especially when the group feels threatened by religious and political differences within itself. In his introduction to The Invention of Tradition, Eric Hobsbawm defines invented traditions in this way: "Invented Tradition" is taken to mean a set of practices, normally governed by overtly or tacitly accepted rules and of a ritual or symbolic nature, which seek to inculcate certain values and norms of behavior by repetition, which automatically implies continuity with the past.... In short, they are responses to novel situations which take the form of reference to old situations, or which establish their own past by quasi-obligatory repetition. It is the contrast between the constant change and innovation of the modern world and the attempt to structure at least some parts of social life within it as unchanging and invariant, that makes the "invention of tradition". so interesting for historians of the past two centuries. (1-2) Hobsbawm argues that this construct can establish membership to a group, it can reinforce the authority of the institutions within that group, or it can reinforce models of behavior or value systems (9). Examination of an invented performance tradition thus can reveal ideals held by a group, what the group perceives as a problem and what has changed about the group, for as Hobsbawm notes, these invented traditions can serve as "evidence" (12). The invented tradition of a Slovene-language St. Nicholas operetta performed yearly in Cleveland, Ohio, and its roots in an earlier traditional village procession, will be examined here. The operetta serves as an example of how a performance was constructed in order to educate children about appropriate behavior within Slovene culture. While the operetta was originally invented to educate and entertain homeless boys while controlling their behavior, the operetta performance became for immigrants after World War II an annually performed model of orderly ethnic and religious cohesion. The Slovene immigrants after 1945, many of them middle-class, educated, politically conservative and devoutly Roman Catholic, found a deeply split Slovene-- American community waiting for them in Cleveland. One faction was active in Roman Catholic Slovene organizations. The other supported Josip Broz Tito's Partisans during World War II and was only nominally Catholic. This second faction had their own set of "progressive" Slovene cultural organizations and tended to be anticlerical and nonreligious (Susel, in Thernstrom, 934). Miklavz Prihaja ("St. Nicholas is Coming!") promotes the values espoused by the post-World War II, Roman Catholic wave of Slovene immigrants as central to their identity, both explicitly within its text and implicitly by its staging. Furthermore, it criticizes differences within the group, by presenting an ideal picture of a hierarchical, harmonious world. The operetta offers sharply contrasted gender roles in the casting of characters, with female characters more tightly prescribed in their behavior than male characters. The contrast between what the St. Nicholas procession is remembered to have been, and the operetta which has replaced it-particularly in terms of onstage gender roles and offstage audience roles-reveals how that community sees itself and how it defines outsiders. …
社区表演:圣尼古拉斯、路西法和虚构的传统
来到美国的移民为了在他们周围的新环境中生存和发展,在情感上和物质上都使用了许多策略。保护传统的尝试就是这样一种策略。长期以来,节日、食物、歌曲、民间故事和表演一直是一种肯定身份的手段,在适应巨大的文化变化的同时,保持某种表面上的连续性。然而,这一策略并不能完全阻止潮流:一些传统因为不再相关而消亡,一些传统被适应新的环境,一些“传统”实际上是为了保持群体身份而发明的,特别是当群体感受到内部宗教和政治分歧的威胁时。在《传统的发明》一书的引言中,埃里克·霍布斯鲍姆这样定义“发明的传统”:“发明的传统”指的是一套实践,通常由公开或默认的规则所支配,具有仪式或象征性质,试图通过重复来灌输某些价值观和行为规范,这自动意味着与过去的连续性....简而言之,它们是对新情况的反应,这些新情况采取参考旧情况的形式,或者通过准强制性的重复来建立自己的过去。现代世界的不断变化和创新与试图将社会生活的至少某些部分构建为不变和不变之间的对比,使得“传统的发明”。这对过去两个世纪的历史学家来说非常有趣。(1-2)霍布斯鲍姆认为,这种结构可以建立一个群体的成员关系,它可以加强该群体内机构的权威,或者它可以加强行为模式或价值体系(9)。因此,对一种发明的表演传统的检查可以揭示一个群体所持有的理想,这个群体认为是一个问题,以及这个群体发生了什么变化,正如霍布斯鲍姆所指出的,这些发明的传统可以作为“证据”(12)。在俄亥俄州的克利夫兰,人们每年都会表演斯洛文尼亚语的圣尼古拉斯轻歌剧,这是一种发明的传统,它起源于早期的传统乡村游行,我们将在这里研究一下。轻歌剧可以作为一个例子,说明如何在斯洛文尼亚文化中构建一个表演,以教育孩子们适当的行为。虽然轻歌剧最初是为了教育和娱乐无家可归的男孩,同时控制他们的行为,但对二战后的移民来说,轻歌剧表演成为每年一次的有秩序的种族和宗教凝聚力的表演模式。1945年后的斯洛文尼亚移民中,很多是受过教育的中产阶级,政治上保守,虔诚的罗马天主教徒。他们在克利夫兰发现一个严重分裂的斯洛文尼亚裔美国人社区在等着他们。一个派系活跃于罗马天主教斯洛文尼亚组织。另一位在二战期间支持铁托的游击队,只是名义上的天主教徒。第二派有他们自己的一套“进步的”斯洛文尼亚文化组织,并且倾向于反教权和非宗教(Susel, in Thernstrom, 934)。Miklavz Prihaja(“圣尼古拉斯来了!”)提倡二战后斯洛文尼亚移民的罗马天主教浪潮所信奉的价值观,认为这是他们身份的核心,无论是在其文本中,还是在其舞台上,都是如此。此外,它通过描绘一个等级森严、和谐世界的理想图景,批判了群体内部的差异。轻歌剧在角色的选择上提供了鲜明对比的性别角色,女性角色的行为比男性角色更严格。人们对圣尼古拉斯游行的记忆与取代它的轻歌剧之间的对比——尤其是在舞台上的性别角色和舞台下的观众角色方面——揭示了这个社区如何看待自己以及如何定义局外人。…
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