It's All About Race: How State Legislators Respond to Immigrant Constituents

Micah Gell-Redman, Neil Visalvanich, C. Crabtree, Christopher J. Fariss
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引用次数: 1

Abstract

How do elected representatives respond to the needs of immigrant constituents? We report the results of a field experiment on U.S. state legislators in which the nativity, likelihood of voting, and race/ethnicity of a hypothetical constituent are independently manipulated. The experimental design allows us to contribute new insights by isolating the various elements that may impede the connection between immigrants and elected representatives. Moreover, we explore racial/ethnic identities beyond black and white, by including Latino and Asian aliases. Contrary to expectations, nativity and voting status do not affect responsiveness. Instead, legislator behavior appears to be driven by racial/ethnic bias. Whites benefit from the highest degree of responsiveness, with blacks, Hispanics, and Asians all receiving lower response rates, respectively. This bias follows a partisan logic. Hispanic constituents receive lower responsiveness primarily from Republican legislators, while Asians experience discrimination from representatives of both parties. We argue that this difference may result from Hispanic identity sending a stronger signal about partisan affiliation, or from a prejudicial view of Asians as outsiders. In this interpretation, rather than the model minority, Asians become the excluded minority.
这一切都与种族有关:州议员如何回应移民选民
当选代表如何回应移民选民的需求?我们报告了一项针对美国州议员的实地实验结果,在该实验中,假设的选民的出生、投票可能性和种族/民族被独立操纵。实验设计使我们能够通过隔离可能阻碍移民与当选代表之间联系的各种因素来贡献新的见解。此外,我们探索种族/民族身份超越黑人和白人,包括拉丁裔和亚洲的别名。与预期相反,出生和投票状态不会影响响应。相反,立法者的行为似乎是由种族/民族偏见驱动的。白人从最高程度的反应中受益,黑人、西班牙裔和亚洲人分别得到较低的反应率。这种偏见遵循一种党派逻辑。拉美裔选民对共和党议员的反应较低,而亚裔选民则受到两党议员的歧视。我们认为,这种差异可能是由于西班牙裔身份发出了更强烈的党派关系信号,或者是由于将亚洲人视为外来者的偏见。在这种解释中,亚洲人不是模范少数民族,而是被排斥的少数民族。
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