"Corroborating His Phrenology": The American Phrenological Journal, the Great American Crisis, and U.S. Grant

A. Wrobel
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引用次数: 2

Abstract

On May 18, 1875, so Nelson Sizer records in his memoirs, Forty Years in Phrenology, "a quiet gentleman in plain, citizen's dress" (360) presented himself at the New York phrenological depot of S. R. Wells at 753 Broadway for a complete cranioscopic character description. A major figure in phrenological annals, Sizer was said to have conducted over three hundred thousand examinations during a career that started in 1849 when he joined the pre-eminent phrenological firm of Fowler and Wells (Stem 79). Dictating his findings to a shorthand writer, the Pitman system being but one of the myriad enthusiasms the firm espoused during its long and colorful life, Sizer described, melodramatically, a person with a robust and energetic constitution coupled with excessive mental restlessness and excitability. Sizer counseled his client to "contrive to sleep an hour or two more every night" so as to rest the brain; to "avoid everything exciting in the way of luxury, condiment, food, or drink," for these, he said, set "your nerves on fire, worse than...those of most men"; and to "avoid overdoing" (360), observing that: If you were an army officer and in active service, you would get as much work out of a horse as General Custer or Phil. Sheridan would, that is to say, as much as the horse could render. (361) At the end of the examination and after his client revealed his name-Custer-and then his initials, "G.A.," Sizer must have been as awed as he was clearly self-congratulatory; without the benefit of Custer's trademark long locks to identify his client ("I have had that cut off," Custer responded to Sizer's query about the absence of long hair), Sizer's character description was uncannily accurate, while his naming his client as a type of Custer would have tickled any phrenological examiner's vanity. Custer headed off to Chicago to attend Philip Sheridan's wedding and from there to meet his doom, thirteen months later when, failing to heed Sizer's admonitions, he recklessly led his command to slaughter at Little Big Horn. Custer's outcome, Sizer crowed was "a verification of my description of his fiery energy which betrayed him to his doom" (Sizer 361-62). The reading seems uncannily perspicacious. Or was it? Surely, phrenology's many supporters would have found in this profile confirmation of their faith in phrenology's ability to plumb depths of human character. But phrenology's critics would also have had good reason for skepticism. For them, that the full analysis was published two months after the Little Big Horn disaster raised the question of veracity. Could they be sure that the editors didn't add anything after the battle to make the original analysis seem all the more prescient? How likely, anyway, is it that the cabinet would have made a duplicate copy of the 1875 analysis and stored it? Further, they might well wonder, what prompted the publication of Custer's profile in the Journal in the first place? Was the profile published to reveal truths about Custer's character so as to explain the battlefield debacle, or to confirm the truth of phrenology as revealed through Custer's character that led to the ensuing disaster? As the article wasn't a tribute, which it surely was not, could it have been merely a tasteless act of self-promotion? Such suspicions in addition to others dogged the century-long enterprise of "practical" phrenology or the practice of "reading" a subject's cranium to determine the character of a subject. These are evident in a series that appeared years earlier in the American Phrenological Journal which profiled senior members of the Union's officer corps. In the weeks following the firing on Fort Sumter in mid-1861, the phrenological publishing firm of Fowler and Wells ostensibly placed the authority of their science in the service of the Union. Starting with the June issue they profiled generals and commodores alike so as to determine, phrenologically, the suitability of each subject for command and bring this "insurrection"1 to a swift and triumphant conclusion. …
《确证他的颅相学》:《美国颅相学杂志》、《美国大危机》和《美国格兰特》
尼尔森·斯泽尔在他的回忆录《颅相学四十年》中写道,1875年5月18日,“一位身着普通平民服装的安静绅士”(360)来到位于百老汇753号的s·r·威尔斯的纽约颅相学仓库,要求进行完整的颅相学人物描述。斯泽尔是颅相学编年史上的一个重要人物,据说他在1849年加入著名的福勒和威尔斯颅相学公司(Stem 79)的职业生涯中进行了30多万次检查。斯泽尔把他的发现口述给一位速记员,皮特曼体系只是该公司在其漫长而丰富多彩的生命历程中所支持的无数热情之一。斯泽尔戏剧性地描述了一个身体健壮、精力充沛、精神过度不安和兴奋的人。斯泽尔建议他的当事人“设法每晚多睡一两个小时”,以便让大脑得到休息;他说,为了“避免一切令人兴奋的奢侈品、调味品、食物或饮料”,这些东西会“让你的神经着火,比……大多数人的想法”;并“避免过度劳累”(360),他观察到:如果你是一名现役军官,你从一匹马身上得到的工作和卡斯特将军或菲尔将军一样多。也就是说,谢里丹会尽这匹马所能。(361)在考试结束时,在他的委托人说出他的名字——卡斯特——然后是他的首字母缩写“g.a.”之后,斯泽尔肯定是敬畏的,因为他显然是自鸣得意的;没有库斯特标志性的长发来识别他的客户(“我把头发剪掉了,”库斯特回答斯泽尔关于没有长发的问题),斯泽尔的性格描述出奇地准确,而他把自己的客户称为库斯特的一种类型,会让任何一个颅相学考官的虚荣心痒痒。卡斯特前往芝加哥参加菲利普·谢里丹的婚礼,并从那里迎接了他的厄运,13个月后,他没有听从斯泽尔的劝告,鲁莽地率领他的部队在小比格霍恩进行屠杀。斯泽尔宣称,卡斯特的结果“证实了我对他的炽热能量的描述,正是这种描述使他走向了毁灭”(斯泽尔361-62)。阅读似乎异常敏锐。真的是这样吗?当然,颅相学的许多支持者会在这篇文章中发现,他们相信颅相学有能力探究人类性格的深处。但颅相学的批评者也有充分的理由持怀疑态度。对他们来说,完整的分析是在小大角号灾难发生两个月后发表的,这引发了对其真实性的质疑。他们能确定编辑们在战后没有添加任何东西,使原来的分析看起来更有先见之明吗?无论如何,内阁有多大可能复制1875年的分析并储存起来?此外,他们可能很想知道,是什么促使《华尔街日报》首先刊登了卡斯特的个人资料?这篇简介的发表是为了揭示卡斯特性格的真相,从而解释战场上的溃败,还是为了证实通过卡斯特性格揭示的颅相学的真相,从而导致随后的灾难?既然这篇文章不是颂词(当然也不是),它会不会只是一种毫无品味的自我推销行为呢?这样的怀疑和其他的怀疑一直困扰着长达一个世纪的“实用”颅相学事业,或者“阅读”一个人的头盖骨以确定一个人的性格的实践。这些在几年前《美国颅相学杂志》上发表的一系列文章中都很明显,这些文章描述了联邦军官团的高级成员。在1861年中期萨姆特堡交火后的几个星期里,福勒和威尔斯的颅相学出版公司表面上把他们的科学权威置于为联邦服务的地位。从六月号开始,他们对将军和准将进行了同样的剖析,以便从骨相学上确定每个人是否适合指挥,并使这场“起义”迅速而圆满地结束。...
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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