Crude Oil and Natural Gas Export Policy of Russia

S. Sakai
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Abstract

We can find easily dozens of media and academic articles over the past 1-2 years that foretell and warn of Russia's aggressive foreign policies to her neighbours by means of her energy-exporting power in oil and gas. Many of them are the products of the gas dispute between Russia and Ukraine in the early 2006, which also reminds some authors of Russia's oil cut-off of the Baltic countries in the early 90's. In their arguments they seem to share a common understanding that Russia has firm intentions and aims in her foreign policies-to decelerate, if not to exclude fully, democratization of her FSU neighbours and to extract maximum diplomatic concessions from them and the EU members, concluding that her oil and gas resources are political instruments these purposes. After having a look at each oil/gas pipeline project of Russia, however, we feel this conclusion may not match reality. In this article the current main oil and gas pipeline projects of Russia (to Europe-BTS, Burgas-Alexandropoulis, Nord Stream, and South Stream; and to Asian countries-East Siberia-Pacific Ocean (VSTO) and Altaj) are briefly reviewed, and it is hard to see her aggressive diplomatic intentions in them. The main motive of new pipeline construction by Russia to Europe is to bypass as many transit countries as possible or to avoid transportation bottlenecks. They are of a commercial character rather than a political one, though the current transit countries which may lose their position by newly routed pipelines of Russia fear the theoretical worst that they will be under a full energy supply control by Russia. The construction plans of eastbound pipelines to Asian countries and the Pacific Ocean have a primary task to develop the areas of East Siberia and the Far East of Russia, accompanied by again commercial tactics in avoiding transit countries and a single destination route of the energy export. We have to pay more attention to the fact that Russia's energy export policy is hardly reliable in the world energy market, not because of her politicized aggressive stance to consumers but because it only plays a passive role against what the world
俄罗斯原油和天然气出口政策
在过去的1-2年里,我们可以很容易地找到数十篇媒体和学术文章,预言和警告俄罗斯通过其石油和天然气的能源出口力量,对邻国采取咄咄逼人的外交政策。其中许多是2006年初俄罗斯和乌克兰天然气争端的产物,这也让一些作者想起了90年代初俄罗斯切断波罗的海国家的石油供应。在他们的争论中,他们似乎有一个共同的理解,即俄罗斯在外交政策上有着坚定的意图和目标——即使不完全排除,也要减慢其FSU邻国的民主化进程,并从它们和欧盟成员国那里榨取最大的外交让步,认为俄罗斯的石油和天然气资源是实现这些目的的政治工具。然而,在看了俄罗斯的每个油气管道项目后,我们觉得这个结论可能与现实不符。本文介绍了俄罗斯目前主要的油气管道项目(对欧bts、burgas - alexandropouis、北溪和南溪);对亚洲国家——东西伯利亚-太平洋(VSTO)和阿尔塔伊(Altaj)——的简要回顾,很难看出她的侵略外交意图。俄罗斯建设通往欧洲的新管道的主要动机是绕过尽可能多的过境国,或避免运输瓶颈。它们是商业性质的,而不是政治性质的,尽管目前的过境国可能会因为俄罗斯新铺设的管道而失去自己的地位,但它们担心的是理论上最坏的情况,即它们将完全处于俄罗斯的能源供应控制之下。通往亚洲国家和太平洋的东行管道建设计划的主要任务是开发东西伯利亚和俄罗斯远东地区,同时也伴随着避免过境国和单一目的地路线的能源出口的商业策略。我们必须更加关注这样一个事实,即俄罗斯的能源出口政策在世界能源市场上几乎是不可靠的,这不是因为她对消费者采取了政治化的侵略性立场,而是因为它在世界上只扮演了被动的角色
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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