Oscillating Border Policy: Is It a Triumph for the Government or for the Myanmar IDPs in China?

Jia-bin Li
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引用次数: 1

Abstract

In recent years, several large-scale internal military conflicts in Myanmar, represented by the “8.08 Kokang Incident”, have led to an influx of Burmese into Yunnan, a border area between China and Myanmar. China’s border management has faced serious challenges, most directly reflected in a change in its border policy. China has not used enforced power to directly stop the influx of Burmese, such as building walls or barbed wire. But neither has it recognized the status of these people as refugees. China’s new border management policy is more about blurring their official status, in practice, allowing them to enter easily to the Chinese border city (Ruili) for work. But it also restricts them to the southeast coast of China in search of better income. This seemingly contradictory attitude of the Chinese government reflects the complexity of a multi-actor participation in governance in the China-Myanmar border region. Using Gramsci’s “hegemony theory” and Ho’s affinity ties theory, this paper explores how IDPs can flexibly use affinity ties networks to proactively influence the Chinese government’s new border governance policy from the bottom up by interacting with grassroots multi-actor border practices.
摇摆不定的边境政策:是政府的胜利还是在华缅甸境内流离失所者的胜利?
近年来,以“8.08果敢事件”为代表的缅甸国内多次发生大规模军事冲突,导致大批缅甸人涌入中缅边境地区云南。中国的边境管理面临着严峻的挑战,最直接的反映是边境政策的变化。中国没有使用强制力量直接阻止缅甸人的涌入,比如修建围墙或铁丝网。但它也没有承认这些人的难民地位。中国新的边境管理政策更多的是模糊他们的官方身份,在实践中,允许他们轻松进入中国边境城市(瑞丽)工作。但这也将他们限制在中国东南沿海地区,以寻求更好的收入。中国政府这种看似矛盾的态度反映了中缅边境地区多方参与治理的复杂性。本文运用葛兰西的“霸权理论”和何氏亲和关系理论,探讨国内流离失所者如何灵活运用亲和关系网络,通过与基层多主体边境实践的互动,自下而上地主动影响中国政府的新边境治理政策。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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