The Indian Farmer, Middlemen and the APMCs

Aditya Singh
{"title":"The Indian Farmer, Middlemen and the APMCs","authors":"Aditya Singh","doi":"10.2139/SSRN.1694096","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"The emergence of middlemen in the Indian agricultural marketing sector can be traced to the Agricultural Produce Marketing Corporation Acts passed by State Legislatures all over India. Agriculture is a state subject, hence drafting legislation on marketing is the prerogative of the State. With the objective of protecting the interests of the farmer, the APMC Acts passed by States in India share the common features of dividing the territory of the State into specially designated 'market areas' with each area having an Agricultural Marketing Committee appointed by the Government. Such a committee may set up one or more government-run markets in which trading of designated agricultural produce may take place. Now, how has the system of marketing of agricultural produce taken place in India in the past? Outlining the basics, contrary to western market practices, the Indian farmer is prohibited by law from selling is produce directly to an urban retailer. He can sell to the end-consumers but there is a restriction- he cannot sell more than 400 kilogrammes. If he has a produce above this figure, then he has to proceed to the Agricultural Markets run by the Government. Licensed brokers, commission agents and traders operate at these markets. Only such licensed operators are allowed to buy agricultural produce from the producer. Therefore if an urban retail chain would like to purchase several tonnes of tomatoes to sell throughout the city, then it will have to procure them from these 'licensed market operatives'. The law prohibits them from sourcing them from the farmer. Rule 5 of the Maharashtra Agricultural Produce Marketing Rules explicitly says that agricultural produce can only be marketed at the APMCs. The stated objective of Indian Policymakers was to prevent exploitation of the farmer. They envisioned that the farmer's produce would be sold at these designated markets at prices which were publicly displayed and monitored by the government. This way whatever price the farmer sold his produce at could be monitored and ascertained for its reasonableness by the State Agricultural Market Committee. With buying limited to the license holders, their activities could be scrutinised to check whether they were paying the government approved prices to the farmer and not exploiting him. Unfortunately India faces the agony of having laws rich in nobility but lacking in practicality and shoddy in enforcement. There is no exception for the APMC Acts also. Originally intended to create a system wherein a group of carefully monitored functionaries would be allowed to purchase agricultural produce, the act backfired in action, ultimately creating a coterie of middlemen, who along with the complicity of the market committees, formed a virtual barrier between the farmer and the consumer, paying the former a pittance for his produce and charging the latter obscenely exhorbitant amounts for daily necessities. Thus, the provisions of the APMC Acts confer a virtual monopoly on market functionaries or 'middlemen'. Farmers near the city can easily go into town to sell produce. But for those who live many miles away from production centers and are to poor to afford bulk transport, their only choice remains the APMC markets. There it is quite possible for middlemen to collude with one-another and dictate prices. They can afford transport facilities to ferry produce in large quantities. This produce passes on further to wholesalers in the city, who in turn sell it to small retailers or peddlers. There is a price rise of rupees 4 to 5 at every step. The end result is that vegetables, many of which are purchased at Rs. 2 or 3 a kg from farmers is sold at 20 to 30 rupees a kilo to urban consumers. This setup has been going on for not less than 25 to 30 years (since the passing of the APMC legislation). It has affected every major town and city in India. Thus, millions of urban Indians have had to pay artificially higher prices and millions of farmers went underpaid. The profit made by middlemen rarely figures in banks. Their record of paying taxes is dismal. It is common practice for the business community to store money in cash and not in banks. Therefore, we are looking at diversion of large amounts of capital into unproductive use. Also, price rises do not benefit farmers. It is suspected that groups of middlemen are behind the rise by hoarding produce. Rampant corruption ensures that their activities go unchecked. Had open marketing been allowed, millions of farmers would have got at least 4 or 5 rupees more for their produce and would have enjoyed a much better financial status today. Even the role of the government in mitigating this is dismal. Reading the website of the Press Information Bureau of the Government of India, there was a press release regarding policy steps to reduce prices. Not a single step mentioned therein dealt with the role played by middlemen in inflating prices or even measures to check them. This could be possible because their finances make them very powerful in local politics. Mayawati in Uttar Pradesh used to call 'Baniya Sammelans' to appease her voters in the business class. Since it is believed that many middlemen hail from that community, it would be appropriate to examine the political influence of that class. Remedial measures are now being taken. Many states have amended their APMC legislation to permit contract farming and direct purchase of agricultural produce by urban retailer. Thus, the market functionaries at APMC markets will face competition. Direct purchase by organised retailers reduces the length of the supply chain, giving better prices to farmers and charging lower prices from consumers. In a field survey conducted by the researcher in Pune, 'More', the retail arm of the Aditya Birla Group was selling capsicum at Rs. 26 a kg. At the same time, upon inquiring, it was found that peddlers at the 'subzi mandi' nearby were selling the same at Rs. 30 a kg! Also, contract farming by corporates will help better growing methods reach farmers, as such agreements contain clauses which provide that the corporate will provide technology to the grower to improve his yield. This benefits both, the farmer through increased yield and the corporate, who can source the same quantity from lesser suppliers.","PeriodicalId":348605,"journal":{"name":"Industry Specific Strategy & Policy eJournal","volume":"40 5","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2010-10-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"5","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Industry Specific Strategy & Policy eJournal","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.2139/SSRN.1694096","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"","JCRName":"","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 5

Abstract

The emergence of middlemen in the Indian agricultural marketing sector can be traced to the Agricultural Produce Marketing Corporation Acts passed by State Legislatures all over India. Agriculture is a state subject, hence drafting legislation on marketing is the prerogative of the State. With the objective of protecting the interests of the farmer, the APMC Acts passed by States in India share the common features of dividing the territory of the State into specially designated 'market areas' with each area having an Agricultural Marketing Committee appointed by the Government. Such a committee may set up one or more government-run markets in which trading of designated agricultural produce may take place. Now, how has the system of marketing of agricultural produce taken place in India in the past? Outlining the basics, contrary to western market practices, the Indian farmer is prohibited by law from selling is produce directly to an urban retailer. He can sell to the end-consumers but there is a restriction- he cannot sell more than 400 kilogrammes. If he has a produce above this figure, then he has to proceed to the Agricultural Markets run by the Government. Licensed brokers, commission agents and traders operate at these markets. Only such licensed operators are allowed to buy agricultural produce from the producer. Therefore if an urban retail chain would like to purchase several tonnes of tomatoes to sell throughout the city, then it will have to procure them from these 'licensed market operatives'. The law prohibits them from sourcing them from the farmer. Rule 5 of the Maharashtra Agricultural Produce Marketing Rules explicitly says that agricultural produce can only be marketed at the APMCs. The stated objective of Indian Policymakers was to prevent exploitation of the farmer. They envisioned that the farmer's produce would be sold at these designated markets at prices which were publicly displayed and monitored by the government. This way whatever price the farmer sold his produce at could be monitored and ascertained for its reasonableness by the State Agricultural Market Committee. With buying limited to the license holders, their activities could be scrutinised to check whether they were paying the government approved prices to the farmer and not exploiting him. Unfortunately India faces the agony of having laws rich in nobility but lacking in practicality and shoddy in enforcement. There is no exception for the APMC Acts also. Originally intended to create a system wherein a group of carefully monitored functionaries would be allowed to purchase agricultural produce, the act backfired in action, ultimately creating a coterie of middlemen, who along with the complicity of the market committees, formed a virtual barrier between the farmer and the consumer, paying the former a pittance for his produce and charging the latter obscenely exhorbitant amounts for daily necessities. Thus, the provisions of the APMC Acts confer a virtual monopoly on market functionaries or 'middlemen'. Farmers near the city can easily go into town to sell produce. But for those who live many miles away from production centers and are to poor to afford bulk transport, their only choice remains the APMC markets. There it is quite possible for middlemen to collude with one-another and dictate prices. They can afford transport facilities to ferry produce in large quantities. This produce passes on further to wholesalers in the city, who in turn sell it to small retailers or peddlers. There is a price rise of rupees 4 to 5 at every step. The end result is that vegetables, many of which are purchased at Rs. 2 or 3 a kg from farmers is sold at 20 to 30 rupees a kilo to urban consumers. This setup has been going on for not less than 25 to 30 years (since the passing of the APMC legislation). It has affected every major town and city in India. Thus, millions of urban Indians have had to pay artificially higher prices and millions of farmers went underpaid. The profit made by middlemen rarely figures in banks. Their record of paying taxes is dismal. It is common practice for the business community to store money in cash and not in banks. Therefore, we are looking at diversion of large amounts of capital into unproductive use. Also, price rises do not benefit farmers. It is suspected that groups of middlemen are behind the rise by hoarding produce. Rampant corruption ensures that their activities go unchecked. Had open marketing been allowed, millions of farmers would have got at least 4 or 5 rupees more for their produce and would have enjoyed a much better financial status today. Even the role of the government in mitigating this is dismal. Reading the website of the Press Information Bureau of the Government of India, there was a press release regarding policy steps to reduce prices. Not a single step mentioned therein dealt with the role played by middlemen in inflating prices or even measures to check them. This could be possible because their finances make them very powerful in local politics. Mayawati in Uttar Pradesh used to call 'Baniya Sammelans' to appease her voters in the business class. Since it is believed that many middlemen hail from that community, it would be appropriate to examine the political influence of that class. Remedial measures are now being taken. Many states have amended their APMC legislation to permit contract farming and direct purchase of agricultural produce by urban retailer. Thus, the market functionaries at APMC markets will face competition. Direct purchase by organised retailers reduces the length of the supply chain, giving better prices to farmers and charging lower prices from consumers. In a field survey conducted by the researcher in Pune, 'More', the retail arm of the Aditya Birla Group was selling capsicum at Rs. 26 a kg. At the same time, upon inquiring, it was found that peddlers at the 'subzi mandi' nearby were selling the same at Rs. 30 a kg! Also, contract farming by corporates will help better growing methods reach farmers, as such agreements contain clauses which provide that the corporate will provide technology to the grower to improve his yield. This benefits both, the farmer through increased yield and the corporate, who can source the same quantity from lesser suppliers.
印度农民,中间商和apmc
中间商在印度农业营销部门的出现可以追溯到印度各州立法机构通过的《农产品营销公司法》。农业是国家主体,因此起草市场立法是国家的特权。为了保护农民的利益,印度各邦通过的APMC法案有一个共同的特点,即把邦的领土划分为特别指定的“市场区域”,每个区域都有一个由政府任命的农业营销委员会。该委员会可以设立一个或多个政府经营的市场,进行指定农产品的交易。那么,过去印度的农产品营销体系是如何形成的呢?概括一下基本情况,与西方市场惯例相反,法律禁止印度农民直接向城市零售商出售农产品。他可以卖给终端消费者,但有一个限制——他的销量不能超过400公斤。如果他有超过这个数字的农产品,那么他必须去政府经营的农业市场。持牌经纪人、佣金代理人和交易商在这些市场经营。只有这样的经营者才能从生产者那里购买农产品。因此,如果一家城市零售连锁店想要购买几吨西红柿在整个城市销售,那么它就必须从这些“持牌市场经营者”那里采购。法律禁止他们从农民那里采购。马哈拉施特拉邦农产品营销规则第5条明确规定,农产品只能在apmc销售。印度政策制定者的既定目标是防止剥削农民。他们设想,农民的产品将在这些指定的市场上以公开的价格出售,并由政府监管。这样,无论农民以何种价格出售农产品,都可以由国家农业市场委员会进行监测和确定其合理性。由于购买仅限于许可证持有者,他们的活动可以被仔细审查,以检查他们是否支付政府批准的价格给农民,而不是剥削他。不幸的是,印度面临着这样的痛苦:法律富有贵族气质,但缺乏实用性,执行不力。APMC法案也不例外。最初的目的是建立一个系统,在这个系统中,一群受到严密监控的官员将被允许购买农产品,但该法案事与愿违,最终产生了一个中间商的小圈子,他们与市场委员会串通一气,在农民和消费者之间形成了一个虚拟的障碍,前者为他的农产品支付微薄的费用,后者为日常必需品收取令人发指的高价。因此,APMC法案的规定赋予了市场工作人员或“中间商”实质上的垄断。城市附近的农民可以很容易地进城卖农产品。但对于那些住在离生产中心很远的地方,又穷得买不起散装运输的人来说,他们唯一的选择仍然是亚太市场。在那里,中间商很有可能相互勾结,操纵价格。他们能负担得起运输设施来运送大量的农产品。这些产品进一步被传递给城市的批发商,他们再把它卖给小零售商或小贩。每走一步,价格都会上涨4到5卢比。最终的结果是,许多以每公斤2至3卢比的价格从农民手中购买的蔬菜,以每公斤20至30卢比的价格卖给城市消费者。这种设置已经持续了不少于25到30年(自APMC立法通过以来)。它影响了印度的每一个主要城镇。因此,数以百万计的印度城市居民不得不人为地支付更高的价格,而数以百万计的农民却得不到应有的报酬。中间商赚取的利润很少计入银行。他们的纳税记录令人沮丧。对于商界来说,把钱存放在现金而不是银行是很普遍的做法。因此,我们看到大量资本被转移到非生产性用途。此外,价格上涨对农民没有好处。有人怀疑,中间商集团囤积农产品是价格上涨的幕后推手。猖獗的腐败确保了他们的活动不受制约。如果允许开放市场,数百万农民的农产品至少可以多赚4到5卢比,今天的经济状况也会好得多。甚至政府在缓解这种情况方面的作用也令人沮丧。在印度政府新闻信息局的网站上,有一篇关于降低价格的政策措施的新闻稿。其中没有一个步骤涉及中间商在通货膨胀中所起的作用,甚至没有措施来遏制它们。
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