Lawful but Awful

J. Farrier
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Abstract

This concluding chapter assesses whether federal courts can stop the systemic dysfunction in the separation of powers by policing every allegedly egregious instance of presidential overreach and/or force members of the House and Senate to revive institutional ambition? This book answers no, while also acknowledging the deep and broad existential crisis that has led hundreds of members to seek relief outside of the chambers' vast arsenal of existing constitutional weapons. The twelve interviews conducted for this book explored the “awful” side of congressional delegation of power and executive expansion, which are more than theoretical constitutional arguments. The human consequences of executive branch unilateralism can be tragic, with ripple effects that last decades. These points were especially prominent among members and attorneys on specific foreign policies that have destabilized governments around the world and inflicted lasting harm to innocent civilians and, some argue, long-term U.S. national security. The “lawful” perspective of these conflicts is not necessarily a defense of these policies, nor a muscular executive branch in general. Rather, federal judges cannot take on the presidency in sustained and meaningful ways without Congress's support for its own prerogatives and powers—regardless of which party is in power and where.
合法但可怕
最后一章评估了联邦法院是否能够通过监督每一个据称是总统越权的令人震惊的例子和/或迫使众议院和参议院成员重振机构野心来阻止权力分立中的系统性功能障碍?这本书的答案是否定的,同时也承认了深刻而广泛的生存危机,这种危机导致数百名议员在众议院现有的庞大宪法武器库之外寻求解脱。为本书进行的12次采访探讨了国会授权和行政扩张的“可怕”一面,这不仅仅是理论上的宪法争论。行政部门单边主义对人类造成的后果可能是悲剧性的,其连锁反应可能持续数十年。这些观点在一些具体的外交政策上尤其突出,这些政策破坏了世界各国政府的稳定,对无辜平民造成了持久的伤害,有些人认为,对美国的长期国家安全也造成了伤害。对这些冲突的“合法”观点并不一定是对这些政策的辩护,也不一定是一个强大的行政部门。更确切地说,如果没有国会对其特权和权力的支持,联邦法官就无法以持续而有意义的方式担任总统——无论哪个政党在哪里掌权。
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