REFLECTIONS ON THE CHALLENGES OF HEADSHIP

Stuart Mclaughlin
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Abstract

I retired in April 2020 after 17 years as a Headteacher, serving four different schools across two local authorities. One thing that remained constant throughout this period was the privilege I felt being a school leader. I deliberately chose to work in challenging schools serving more deprived communities. I was driven by the belief that a high-quality education has the power to transform the life chances of young people, especially those from disadvantaged backgrounds.In this paper I reflect on my personal experience of government policy during this period and the impact it had on school leaders. In doing so, we will revisit two underpinning themes that featured throughout my headship career. The first was that education became part of the election battleground with each party developing their own ideas and thinking about the direction of education that, in turn, became policy for the successfully elected party. Successive Secretaries of State had their own view of what state education should look like. I have not always been convinced that all policy was based on educational theory and sometimes wonder if it derived from the minister’s own personal experience of education! Sir Kevan Collins describes this as the ‘Complacency of Certainty’ (2021) where ministers speak with authority on education without any substance or research to back it up. The impact this had on school leaders was to experience a see-saw effect as policies swung one way and then the other as governments and ministers changed. The second underpinning theme was the breakdown in trust between the government and the education profession. It is evident that this lack of trust in the system led to the growth of a command-and-control model whereby schools were compelled to follow government policy.To explore these themes, I will focus on three key areas of government policy that were intended to improve standards and reduce education inequality. First the rise of academisation under Tony Blair’s New Labour that accelerated with the Coalition government under David Cameron. Second the government policies designed to give parents far greater choice whilst also creating competition between schools. To this end, we will explore the two system changes that successive governments utilised to drive this culture of choice and competition starting with the high stakes accountability associated with examination results and then finally, reviewing my experience of the Ofsted process.
对领导权挑战的反思
在担任了17年的校长之后,我于2020年4月退休,在两个地方当局的四所不同的学校任职。在这段时间里,有一件事一直保持不变,那就是我作为学校领导的特权。我特意选择在有挑战性的学校工作,为更贫困的社区服务。我坚信,高质量的教育有能力改变年轻人的生活机会,尤其是那些来自弱势背景的年轻人。在本文中,我反思了我个人在这一时期的政府政策以及它对学校领导的影响。在此过程中,我们将重新审视贯穿我整个领导生涯的两个基本主题。首先,教育成为选举战场的一部分,每个政党都在发展自己的想法,思考教育的方向,而这些想法反过来又成为成功当选的政党的政策。对于国家教育应该是什么样子,历任国务卿都有自己的看法。我并不总是相信所有的政策都是建立在教育理论的基础上的,有时我想知道它是否来自部长自己的个人教育经历!凯文·柯林斯爵士将其描述为“确定性的自满”(2021年),部长们在没有任何实质或研究支持的情况下就教育发表权威言论。这对学校领导的影响是经历了一种跷跷板效应,随着政府和部长的变化,政策朝一个方向摇摆,然后又朝另一个方向摇摆。第二个基本主题是政府与教育行业之间信任的破裂。很明显,这种对体制的不信任导致了命令与控制模式的发展,学校被迫遵循政府的政策。为了探讨这些主题,我将集中讨论旨在提高标准和减少教育不平等的政府政策的三个关键领域。首先是在托尼•布莱尔(Tony Blair)领导的新工党(New Labour)领导下,学术的兴起随着戴维•卡梅伦(David Cameron)领导的联合政府而加速。其次,政府的政策旨在给家长更多的选择,同时也在学校之间创造竞争。为此,我们将探讨历届政府用来推动这种选择和竞争文化的两项制度变革,首先是与考试成绩相关的高风险问责制,最后是回顾我在教育标准办公室过程中的经验。
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