Cultural Response of The Aboge Islamic Group to The Puritanism Movement

Intan Nur Azizah
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Abstract

The puritanism movement began in the 19th century, but a response to this event only emerged in the early 20th century, with the emergence of various puritan organizations. Since then, the spread of puritanism has reached rural areas, where the people are so strong in maintaining the Kejawen tradition. The Aboge Islamic Society is one of the Islamic groups that are still very strong with Javanese-Islamic nuances. Aboge's calculations in determining religious holidays and certain traditional celebrations are one of the social assets owned. This study aims to analyze in a cultural context, what are the strategies of the Aboge people in maintaining their identity when facing the penetration of the Puritan Islamic movement. This research is a type of qualitative research by not rule out quantitative data. This study uses ethnographic methods. The ethnographic method tries to describe the real conditions that exist in the field using participatory observation methods combined with interviews and even quantitative surveys, while on the other hand ethnography as a product tries to carry out cultural analysis only "behind the desk" as an observer. The results of the study show that the cultural response given by the Aboge community to the puritanism movement is an attempt to maintain the identity and existence of the Aboge group. Several responses were made, 1) the emergence of the Nyandi Islamic and Nyantri Islamic groups within the Aboge group as a form of change shown as a consequence of the times, besides that this was also the influence of the existence of the puritanism movement. 2) the use of the Aboge calendar. Calculations using the Aboge calendar to determine religious holidays are a characteristic of the Aboge community and this is used as social capital to maintain their existence in society. 3) Javanese petungan. The form of syncretism that is still held by the Aboge people which later gave birth to the Javanese petungan system based on weton includes determining when to build a house, when to travel or other matters. 4) the use of Jiping and Turki methods in the Islamic religious teaching system. Jiping or Koran Ears made the Aboge group not study texts, they only listened to the studies delivered by the Aboge elders. Likewise, Turki or tutur kaki also have the same concept, although in its development the Nyantri Islamic group has started using texts in studying religion
阿伯热伊斯兰派对清教主义运动的文化回应
清教主义运动始于19世纪,但直到20世纪初才出现了对这一事件的回应,出现了各种清教组织。从那时起,清教主义传播到了农村地区,那里的人们非常坚定地保持着Kejawen的传统。Aboge伊斯兰社会是一个伊斯兰组织,仍然非常强大的爪哇伊斯兰教的细微差别。Aboge在确定宗教节日和某些传统庆祝活动时的计算是所拥有的社会资产之一。本研究旨在分析在一个文化背景下,面对清教徒伊斯兰运动的渗透,阿伯热人在保持自身身份认同方面采取了哪些策略。本研究是一种不排除定量数据的定性研究。本研究采用民族志方法。民族志方法试图用参与式观察的方法结合访谈甚至定量调查来描述现场存在的真实状况,而作为产品的民族志则试图以观察者的身份只在“桌子后面”进行文化分析。研究结果表明,阿伯热社区对清教运动的文化回应是为了维护阿伯热群体的身份和存在。提出了几种回应,1)在阿波热集团内部出现了Nyandi伊斯兰教和Nyantri伊斯兰教团体,作为时代变化的一种形式,除此之外,这也是清教运动存在的影响。2)阿博日日历的使用。使用阿伯热日历来确定宗教节日的计算是阿伯热社区的一个特征,这被用作维持他们在社会中存在的社会资本。3)爪哇语petungan。阿波格人仍然保持着融合的形式,后来产生了基于weton的爪哇petungan系统,包括决定何时建造房屋,何时旅行或其他事项。4)在伊斯兰教教义体系中使用吉平法和突厥法。吉平或古兰经的耳朵使阿伯格人不学习文本,他们只听阿伯格长老所做的研究。同样,突厥语或tutur kaki也有同样的概念,尽管在其发展中,Nyantri伊斯兰团体已经开始使用文本来研究宗教
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