ASEAN and the Limits of Regionalism in Pacific Asia

David Jones
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引用次数: 6

Abstract

After the Asian Financial Crisis (AFC) of 1997-99, a dominant orthodoxy arose both in regional diplomatic circles and the regional scholarship that analysed it, that the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) had established the institutional basis both for South East Asian as well as East Asian political and economic integration. Thus, at the beginning of the new millennium, Peter Katzenstein declared that East Asian regional integration was “an idea whose time has come.” Indeed, it was widely assumed that an expanded ASEAN machinery would “socialize the [East Asian] region with the same norms and values that have proved successful in Southeast Asia.”In view of these large claims about ASEANs apparent centrality to regional security in Southeast Asia, and its procedurally driven transformation of foreign relations across East Asia in the twenty-first century, the uncertainty among its diplomats and its academic admirers in the context of China’s rise and growing regional assertiveness represents something of a puzzle. To unravel this puzzle, we shall argue that ASEAN remains what it essentially was from its inception, namely an association of weak states created to achieve the limited purpose of maintaining regional order. Yet, even in this endeavour the arrangement has proved of limited effectiveness. Mean-while, its attempt to export its norms to the wider region have rendered it vulnerable to the incursion and hegemony of more powerful regional actors. To explore the limitations of Asian regionalism, the paper will focus on 2 areas of ASEAN policy formation since the AFC: the attempt to build an integrated ASEAN economic community and to establish a framework to address overlapping claims to the South China Sea. The dissonance between ASEANs rhetoric and its limited achievements in these areas leaves it increasingly sidelined by the evolution of great power rivalry in the Asia Pacific.
东盟与亚太地区区域主义的局限
在1997-99年的亚洲金融危机(AFC)之后,在地区外交界和分析该危机的地区学者中出现了一种占主导地位的正统观点,即东南亚国家联盟(ASEAN)为东南亚和东亚的政治和经济一体化奠定了制度基础。因此,在新千年之初,彼得·卡岑斯坦(Peter Katzenstein)宣称,东亚区域一体化是“一个时机已经成熟的想法”。事实上,人们普遍认为,扩大后的东盟机制将“使(东亚)地区与在东南亚已被证明成功的相同规范和价值观社会化”。鉴于这些关于东盟在东南亚地区安全中明显的中心地位的巨大主张,以及它在21世纪对东亚外交关系的程序驱动转型,在中国崛起和日益增强的地区自信的背景下,其外交官及其学术崇拜者的不确定性代表了一些令人困惑的东西。为了解开这个谜团,我们将认为,东盟本质上仍然是它成立之初的样子,即一个为实现维持地区秩序这一有限目的而创建的弱国联盟。然而,即使在这一努力中,这种安排也证明效力有限。与此同时,它试图向更广泛的地区输出其规范,这使它容易受到更强大的地区行动者的入侵和霸权。为了探讨亚洲区域主义的局限性,本文将重点关注东盟自亚共体会议以来的两个政策形成领域:试图建立一个一体化的东盟经济共同体,以及建立一个框架来解决南中国海的重叠主张。东盟的言论与其在这些领域取得的有限成就之间的不协调,使其在亚太地区大国竞争的演变中日益边缘化。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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