The Partisan Foundations of Legislative Particularism in Latin America

Andrés Mejía-Acosta, Aníbal Pérez Liñán, Sebastián Saiegh
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引用次数: 6

Abstract

In this paper we argue that organizational practices within parties, more than national electoral rules, shape legislators' incentives to initiate particularistic (narrow in scope and distributive in nature) legislation. We test this argument using a new dataset which comprises 1,906 bills initiated by the lower chamber in Paraguay (1992-2003) and 5,175 bills initiated by congress in Ecuador (1979-2002). We estimate the propensity of legislators to initiate particularistic bills as a function of district magnitude, the existence of closed lists, seniority, the size of the party, reelection rules, and the internal procedures employed by the party to nominate candidates. Our hypothesis is supported by the analysis. Ecuador, a highly fragmented party system with "amateur" legislators, is usually cited as a case where we should expect most bills to be distributive. However, once we control for strong party leaders, we see that their presence offsets the impact of candidate-centered electoral rules. Paraguay, on the other hand, has a relatively weak president and a closed-list PR system. Thus, it is usually seen as a case where strong parties and few particularistic bills should prevail. However, in practice, the fragmentation of parties into competitive factions has encouraged the proliferation of particularistic bills.
拉丁美洲立法特殊主义的党派基础
在本文中,我们认为,政党内部的组织实践,而不是国家选举规则,塑造了立法者发起特殊立法(范围狭窄,性质上是分配性的)的动机。我们使用一个新的数据集来检验这一论点,该数据集包括巴拉圭下议院(1992-2003年)发起的1906项法案和厄瓜多尔国会(1979-2002年)发起的5175项法案。我们估计立法者发起特殊法案的倾向与地区规模、封闭名单的存在、资历、政党规模、连任规则以及政党提名候选人所采用的内部程序有关。我们的假设得到了分析的支持。厄瓜多尔是一个高度分散的政党体系,拥有“业余”立法者,通常被认为是一个案例,我们应该期待大多数法案是分配的。然而,一旦我们控制了强有力的政党领导人,我们就会看到他们的存在抵消了以候选人为中心的选举规则的影响。另一方面,巴拉圭有一个相对软弱的总统和一个封闭的公关系统。因此,它通常被视为一个强有力的政党和少数特殊法案应该占上风的案例。然而,在实践中,政党分裂为相互竞争的派系鼓励了特殊法案的扩散。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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