아세안 지역 한류콘텐츠 활성화 방안(Revitalization of Hallyu Content: ASEAN Region's Perspective)

Jinwoo Choi, Saehoon Kim, Jiyoon Kim, Chunheung Mo, J. Suh, D. Jin, Ju-Hee Han
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In addition to this, the spread of the Korean Wave is evolving from the conventional method of exporting completed cultural products to a method of simultaneously disseminating the world through digital platforms. In addition to the classic method of determining the export price per episode of a drama or movie, a new entry pattern is emerging. For example, the majority of Korean drama is sold on Netflix, and Netflix has tried the so-called “binge-watching” method, which allows consumers to watch a comfortable amount at a convenient time by providing many Korean dramas. In the era of COVID-19, while each country is struggling to produce and distribute new cultural contents, Korean Wave content is seeing a significant reflection effect by quickly making full use of overseas expansion strategies suitable for the era of digital platforms. As such, the Korean Wave is facing a new phase in many ways. 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In addition, with the rise of Korean Wave 3.0, this study aims to prepare policy support measures for stabilizing the cultural industry and increasing the expansion of the content field into overseas markets. The subjects of this study are as follows. First, spatially, among ASEAN member countries, six countries, Vietnam, Philippines, Thailand, Malaysia, Indonesia, and Singapore, were selected as target countries for analysis. Brunei, Cambodia, Myanmar, and Laos were excluded because of the limitations of the Korean Wave consumption survey and the fact that the size of Korean Wave exchanges and their own cultural industries were relatively small compared to the selected countries. Second, with regard to the genre of cultural content, the focus was on six areas: K-Pop, broadcasting (drama and entertainment), film, animation, webtoon, and gaming. Third, in the analysis of each country's content genre, we paid attention to three major aspects, such as planning, licensing, and distribution. Meanwhile, the study utilizes various approaches such as analyzing the audience aspect in the light of the new media environment and conducting expert interviews with those who have experience in the Southeast Asian market, unlike previous studies that showed a tendency to focus on local market status surveys related to the advancement of Korean Wave content to the Southeast Asian market. In particular, the digital ethnography technique was applied to analyze the cases of Indonesia and Singapore. Based on this research approach, researchers tried to derive policy directions and support tasks that can continue reciprocal exchange along with continuous consumption of Hallyu content. The results of analyzing the regional characteristics of six countries in the ASEAN region and the current status of Korean Wave content consumption are as follows. First, Vietnam's cultural content industry is expected to continue to grow based on its demographic structure with a large proportion of young people, open foreign policies, and ICT policies including e-commerce and 5G commercialization. Control factors such as content regulation in online spaces such as the Cyber Security Act, regulations such as “conditional investment field” in foreign investment exist, but the potential of the cultural industry also exists as can be seen in cultural industry policies such as “2020-2030 Vietnam Cultural Industry Promotion Strategy” and broadcasting policies related to digital transformation, among others. It can be seen as an active Korean Wave consumer destination, with co-productions and IP exports continuing in the field of broadcasting and entertainment, co-production of remakes and theater advances in movies, and localization such as local audition programs and discovering local artists in music. In the Philippines, the proportion of young people and children who are active in Internet use in the total population is large, and the government is actively pursuing digital transformation, and consumption potential is increasing as the economy continues to grow. Although the Foreign Investment Act and the domestic industrial protection policy are being implemented, the digital transformation policy is rapidly being implemented in the broadcasting sector. Hallyu conte t is are recognized in the broadcasting area, leading to attempts of localization through remakes or production of Filipino broadcasting programs using Korean materials, and music being a representative part of Korean Wave contents, idol groups with Filipino members are being nurtured. In the film field, it is a country where joint film production is attempted. Thailand has a high level of awareness and consumption of Hallyu cultural content. The Korean Wave was formed amid favorable conditions, including Korea emerging as Thailand's major economic cooperation country and growing interest in the Korean language in Thailand. The demand for reproduction of Korean Wave content based on the Thai context is high, and the Korean Wave is consumed in various fields such as dramas, movies, and music. In particular, as Thailand is a representative Korean Wave consumer among Southeast Asian countries, a localization strategy that actively reflects Thailand's peculiarities is required. Compared to other Southeast Asian countries, Malaysia has a higher income level and diversification of consumption trends, which has a high potential for the growth of Korean Wave cultural contents. However, it is necessary to closely examine its Islamic culture and different cultural lifestyles and regulations. Dramas, movies, music, webtoons, and games all show interest in the Korean Wave, and in the case of K-pop, they are actively consuming Korean Wave content by creating their own cultural community. Accordingly, there is a need for a plan to increase the business cooperation model by enhancing the cooperative relationship between the two governments. Indonesia has recently been regarded as the country with the most attention among the Southeast Asian markets. Indonesia is a large population country and has the peculiarity that most of its cultural contents are produced in local languages, but the investment of Korean companies is active and its potential as a content market is highly appreciated. However, despite the democratic system, there were restrictions on freedom of expression such as online defamation and blasphemy, and as the world's No. 1 Muslim population, conservative society caused controversy over the Korean Wave. 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The government's active support policy is in progress to increase its own content production capability and infrastructure, but there is also the ambiguity of media content regulation and censorship. In particular, it is one of the countries that respond quickly to Korean Wave content as competition intensifies on the OTT(over-the-top) platform. Therefore, it also plays a role as a “test bed” for global competitiveness of Korean Wave contents. As it has an English-based global fan culture and serves as a base for performing arts in ASEAN, it is also necessary to pay attention to the consumption trend of K-pop music. As a result of analyzing the current status of the Korean Wave contents market in Southeast Asia and the cultural industry policies and social cultures of major countries, the infrastructure such as platforms and movie theaters of Korean contents companies have been established, but it is linked to the limited aspects of foreign investment. 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引用次数: 0

Abstract

English Abstract: As people’s interest in Korean popular culture is expanding around the world, the trend of spreading Korean Wave contents is changing. After the period when dramas and movies led the popularity of the Korean Wave, interest and consumption in other genres of Hallyu content such as webtoons and animations are also increasing. In addition, Korean popular culture from Northeast Asia such as China, Japan, and Taiwan in the past to North America, South America, Europe, the Middle East, and Africa. In particular, ASEAN regions, including Vietnam, Indonesia, and the Philippines are also gaining spotlight as a forward base for the Korean Wave. In addition to this, the spread of the Korean Wave is evolving from the conventional method of exporting completed cultural products to a method of simultaneously disseminating the world through digital platforms. In addition to the classic method of determining the export price per episode of a drama or movie, a new entry pattern is emerging. For example, the majority of Korean drama is sold on Netflix, and Netflix has tried the so-called “binge-watching” method, which allows consumers to watch a comfortable amount at a convenient time by providing many Korean dramas. In the era of COVID-19, while each country is struggling to produce and distribute new cultural contents, Korean Wave content is seeing a significant reflection effect by quickly making full use of overseas expansion strategies suitable for the era of digital platforms. As such, the Korean Wave is facing a new phase in many ways. Therefore, in the face of the rapidly changing digital platform era, this study aims to raise the awareness on the necessity of preparing a policy for the continuous expansion of Korean Wave contents centered on the ASEAN region. The ASEAN market is a large-scale content market showing rapid growth as well as an economically and politically important diplomatic target area for Korea. In order to continue and expand the consumption of Hallyu content in this region, it is necessary to review the competitiveness of Korean Wave content based on an understanding of local contents consumption status and institutional conditions. Accordingly, this study raises the necessity of preparing new policies for the Korean cultural industry in response to the demands of the times in line with the potential of the ASEAN cultural content market. In addition, with the rise of Korean Wave 3.0, this study aims to prepare policy support measures for stabilizing the cultural industry and increasing the expansion of the content field into overseas markets. The subjects of this study are as follows. First, spatially, among ASEAN member countries, six countries, Vietnam, Philippines, Thailand, Malaysia, Indonesia, and Singapore, were selected as target countries for analysis. Brunei, Cambodia, Myanmar, and Laos were excluded because of the limitations of the Korean Wave consumption survey and the fact that the size of Korean Wave exchanges and their own cultural industries were relatively small compared to the selected countries. Second, with regard to the genre of cultural content, the focus was on six areas: K-Pop, broadcasting (drama and entertainment), film, animation, webtoon, and gaming. Third, in the analysis of each country's content genre, we paid attention to three major aspects, such as planning, licensing, and distribution. Meanwhile, the study utilizes various approaches such as analyzing the audience aspect in the light of the new media environment and conducting expert interviews with those who have experience in the Southeast Asian market, unlike previous studies that showed a tendency to focus on local market status surveys related to the advancement of Korean Wave content to the Southeast Asian market. In particular, the digital ethnography technique was applied to analyze the cases of Indonesia and Singapore. Based on this research approach, researchers tried to derive policy directions and support tasks that can continue reciprocal exchange along with continuous consumption of Hallyu content. The results of analyzing the regional characteristics of six countries in the ASEAN region and the current status of Korean Wave content consumption are as follows. First, Vietnam's cultural content industry is expected to continue to grow based on its demographic structure with a large proportion of young people, open foreign policies, and ICT policies including e-commerce and 5G commercialization. Control factors such as content regulation in online spaces such as the Cyber Security Act, regulations such as “conditional investment field” in foreign investment exist, but the potential of the cultural industry also exists as can be seen in cultural industry policies such as “2020-2030 Vietnam Cultural Industry Promotion Strategy” and broadcasting policies related to digital transformation, among others. It can be seen as an active Korean Wave consumer destination, with co-productions and IP exports continuing in the field of broadcasting and entertainment, co-production of remakes and theater advances in movies, and localization such as local audition programs and discovering local artists in music. In the Philippines, the proportion of young people and children who are active in Internet use in the total population is large, and the government is actively pursuing digital transformation, and consumption potential is increasing as the economy continues to grow. Although the Foreign Investment Act and the domestic industrial protection policy are being implemented, the digital transformation policy is rapidly being implemented in the broadcasting sector. Hallyu conte t is are recognized in the broadcasting area, leading to attempts of localization through remakes or production of Filipino broadcasting programs using Korean materials, and music being a representative part of Korean Wave contents, idol groups with Filipino members are being nurtured. In the film field, it is a country where joint film production is attempted. Thailand has a high level of awareness and consumption of Hallyu cultural content. The Korean Wave was formed amid favorable conditions, including Korea emerging as Thailand's major economic cooperation country and growing interest in the Korean language in Thailand. The demand for reproduction of Korean Wave content based on the Thai context is high, and the Korean Wave is consumed in various fields such as dramas, movies, and music. In particular, as Thailand is a representative Korean Wave consumer among Southeast Asian countries, a localization strategy that actively reflects Thailand's peculiarities is required. Compared to other Southeast Asian countries, Malaysia has a higher income level and diversification of consumption trends, which has a high potential for the growth of Korean Wave cultural contents. However, it is necessary to closely examine its Islamic culture and different cultural lifestyles and regulations. Dramas, movies, music, webtoons, and games all show interest in the Korean Wave, and in the case of K-pop, they are actively consuming Korean Wave content by creating their own cultural community. Accordingly, there is a need for a plan to increase the business cooperation model by enhancing the cooperative relationship between the two governments. Indonesia has recently been regarded as the country with the most attention among the Southeast Asian markets. Indonesia is a large population country and has the peculiarity that most of its cultural contents are produced in local languages, but the investment of Korean companies is active and its potential as a content market is highly appreciated. However, despite the democratic system, there were restrictions on freedom of expression such as online defamation and blasphemy, and as the world's No. 1 Muslim population, conservative society caused controversy over the Korean Wave. In particular, Korean dramas are popular with all classes, and Korean-style web dramas are being produced locally. The music sector is also very popular with the Korean Wave, as it actively appoints K-pop stars for local corporate marketing. In the case of movies, CGV is advancing into the theater industry, and webtoons have gone beyond the popularity of domestic webtoons, and LINE webtoons are applying a system to discover local authors. What is distinctive is that “influencers” are remarkable, and they are emerging as the leading roles in civilian diplomacy in recent years. Singapore is a multicultural society with a multilingual, multi-religious, and multi-ethnic population in the background, and has developed mobile and internet infrastructure. It is a country with high literacy and purchasing power for overseas cultural contents including Korean Wave content by revitalizing cultural consumption. The government's active support policy is in progress to increase its own content production capability and infrastructure, but there is also the ambiguity of media content regulation and censorship. In particular, it is one of the countries that respond quickly to Korean Wave content as competition intensifies on the OTT(over-the-top) platform. Therefore, it also plays a role as a “test bed” for global competitiveness of Korean Wave contents. As it has an English-based global fan culture and serves as a base for performing arts in ASEAN, it is also necessary to pay attention to the consumption trend of K-pop music. As a result of analyzing the current status of the Korean Wave contents market in Southeast Asia and the cultural industry policies and social cultures of major countries, the infrastructure such as platforms and movie theaters of Korean contents companies have been established, but it is linked to the limited aspects of foreign investment. Therefore, rather than co-investment or collaboration, IP-oriented exchanges includingformat exports have been mainly formed in recent years. Also, although the
东盟地区韩流内容活性化方案(Revitalization of Hallyu Content: ASEAN Region's Perspective)
摘要:随着世界范围内人们对韩国大众文化的兴趣日益浓厚,韩流内容的传播趋势也在发生变化。韩流以电视剧和电影为主导的时期结束后,对网络漫画、动画等其他韩流内容的兴趣和消费也在增加。此外,韩国大众文化过去从中国、日本、台湾等东北亚地区传播到北美、南美、欧洲、中东、非洲等地。特别是越南、印度尼西亚、菲律宾等东盟地区,作为韩流的前沿基地,也备受关注。此外,韩流的传播正在从传统的成品输出方式,转变为通过数字平台向世界同步传播的方式。除了确定电视剧或电影每集出口价格的经典方法外,一种新的进入模式正在出现。例如,大部分韩剧都在Netflix上销售,Netflix尝试了所谓的“<s:2> - œbinge-watchingâ -”方式,通过提供大量韩剧,让消费者在方便的时间观看舒适的数量。在各国都在努力制作和发行新的文化内容的情况下,韩流内容迅速利用了适合数字平台时代的海外扩张战略,产生了显著的反射效应。因此,韩流在很多方面都面临着新的阶段。因此,面对快速变化的数字平台时代,本研究旨在提高人们对以东盟地区为中心的韩流内容持续扩张的必要性制定政策的认识。东盟市场是快速成长的大型内容市场,也是韩国重要的经济、政治外交目标地区。为了使该地区的韩流内容消费持续和扩大,有必要在了解当地内容消费现状和制度条件的基础上,重新审视韩流内容的竞争力。因此,本研究提出韩国文化产业有必要因应时代需求,因应东盟文化内容市场的潜力,制定新的政策。此外,随着韩流3.0的兴起,本研究旨在制定稳定文化产业和增加内容领域向海外市场扩张的政策支持措施。本研究的对象如下:首先,在空间上,在东盟成员国中,选择越南、菲律宾、泰国、马来西亚、印度尼西亚和新加坡六个国家作为目标国进行分析。文莱、柬埔寨、缅甸、老挝等国因韩流消费调查的局限性和韩流交流规模和文化产业规模相对较小而被排除在外。第二,在文化内容类型方面,重点是韩国流行音乐、广播(电视剧和娱乐)、电影、动画、网络漫画、游戏等6个领域。第三,在每个国家的内容类型分析中,我们关注了三个主要方面,如策划、许可和发行。同时,本研究采用了多种方法,如根据新媒体环境分析受众方面,并与东南亚市场经验丰富的专家进行了访谈,而不是像以往的研究那样倾向于关注与韩流内容向东南亚市场进军相关的当地市场状况调查。特别是,数字民族志技术被应用于分析印度尼西亚和新加坡的案例。基于这一研究方法,研究者试图推导出能够在韩流内容持续消费的同时持续互惠交流的政策方向和支持任务。通过对东盟地区六个国家的区域特征和韩流内容消费现状的分析,结果如下:首先,越南的文化内容产业将以年轻人占很大比例的人口结构、开放的外交政策、电子商务和5G商用化等信息通信技术(ICT)政策为基础,持续增长。控制因素如网络空间的内容监管,如《网络安全法》,外国投资的法规,如<s:2> œconditional投资领域<e:2>等,但文化产业的潜力也存在,如文化产业政策,如<s:2> œ2020-2030越南文化产业促进战略<e:2>和与数字转型相关的广播政策等。 广播娱乐领域的合作制作和IP输出、电影领域的翻拍和剧场化合作制作、音乐领域的海选节目和发掘本土艺人等本地化等,都是活跃的韩流消费目的地。在菲律宾,活跃于互联网使用的年轻人和儿童在总人口中所占的比例很大,政府也在积极追求数字化转型,随着经济的持续增长,消费潜力也在不断增加。虽然正在实施《外国投资法》和国内产业保护政策,但广播领域的数字化转型政策正在迅速推进。韩流节目在广播界得到认可,因此,利用韩国素材制作菲律宾广播节目,进行本土化尝试,音乐作为韩流内容的代表性部分,正在培育由菲律宾人组成的偶像团体。在电影领域,这是一个尝试联合电影制作的国家。泰国对韩流文化内容的认知度和消费水平都很高。韩流是在韩国成为泰国的主要经济合作伙伴国、泰国人对韩国语的兴趣增加等有利条件下形成的。以泰国为背景的韩流内容复制需求很高,韩流在电视剧、电影、音乐等多个领域被消费。特别是,泰国是东南亚韩流消费的代表性国家,因此需要积极反映泰国特色的本土化战略。与其他东南亚国家相比,马来西亚的收入水平较高,消费趋势多样化,因此韩流文化内容的增长潜力很大。然而,有必要仔细研究它的伊斯兰文化和不同的文化生活方式和规定。电视剧、电影、音乐、网络漫画、游戏等都对韩流感兴趣,而K-pop更是通过建立自己的文化共同体,积极消费韩流内容。因此,有必要通过加强两国政府间的合作关系,制定扩大企业合作模式的方案。印度尼西亚最近被认为是东南亚市场中最受关注的国家。印度尼西亚是人口众多的国家,而且大部分文化内容都是用当地语言制作的,但韩国企业的投资非常活跃,其文化内容市场的潜力受到高度评价。但是,虽然是民主主义体制,但在网络上的诽谤和亵渎等言论自由受到限制,而且作为世界上穆斯林人口最多的国家,保守社会引发了韩流争议。特别是韩剧在各阶层都很受欢迎,而且韩式网络剧也正在本土制作。音乐领域也很受韩流的欢迎,因为当地企业积极聘请K-pop明星进行营销。在电影领域,CGV正在进军剧场领域,网络漫画已经超越了国内网络漫画的流行,LINE网络漫画正在应用本土作者发掘系统。其独特之处在于,它们的影响力显著,近年来正逐渐成为民间外交的主角。新加坡是一个多语言、多宗教、多民族的多元文化社会,拥有发达的移动和互联网基础设施。韩国的文化素养和对韩流内容等海外文化内容的购买力都很高,正在激活文化消费。政府积极的支持政策是为了提高自身的内容生产能力和基础设施,但也存在媒体内容监管和审查的模糊性。特别是,随着OTT(overtop)平台的竞争日益激烈,韩国是对韩流内容反应迅速的国家之一。因此,它也是韩流内容全球竞争力的<s:2> - œtest床<e:2> -。韩国拥有以英语为基础的全球粉丝文化,是东盟地区的表演艺术基地,因此也有必要关注韩国流行音乐的消费趋势。通过分析东南亚韩流内容市场的现状和主要国家的文化产业政策、社会文化,韩国内容企业的平台、电影院等基础设施虽然已经建立,但与外国投资的局限性有关。 因此,近年来主要形成了包括格式输出在内的以知识产权为导向的交流,而不是共同投资或合作。而且,尽管
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