Hyperembedded demand and uneven innovation

B. Erickson
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Abstract

the kind of people seen as suitable for providing the service. The fusion of service and service provider implies that using a new kind of person to provide a service is a true innovation, and one that may meet resistance to the extent that it violates entrenched expectations of who providers should be. One important example is women providing services once monopolised by men. This is a large-scale innovation, involving many people across many industries, part of the massive movement of women into paid employment that was one of the twentieth century’s major labour-force trends. The innovation was a very uneven one, both within and between industries: sometimes men still control a kind of service, sometimes women have entered it but have been ‘resegregated’ into particular jobs defined or redefined as suitable for women (Reskin and Roos, 1990), sometimes women do jobs defined as men’s work. To account for this variability I draw on one industry, the private security industry in Toronto, which usefully exemplifies overall trends. Security work was once done by men only, is still widely seen as work mostly done by and suited to men (e.g. Macan et al., 1994), and is still done mainly by men in Toronto (Erickson, 1996). Though men dominate overall, the role of women varies widely from one part of security to another: women are sometimes absent, sometimes in jobs redefined as suitable for women, and sometimes in jobs very much defined as men’s work. I trace such variability of innovation to the complexity of the relational matrix within which innovation is embedded. The matrix includes several kinds of key actors: employers, service providers, potential employees, clients, and targets to whom service work is directed on behalf of clients. In reviewing research on gender segregation at work, Reskin (1993) calls for work on ‘all labour market actors’, noting that research often looks only at the supply side (employees and potential employees) or the demand side (employers) and rarely looks at clients. The work reported here is novel in considering clients, and in adding the very much neglected role of targets, and above all in looking at the interconnections among all these actors. Part 8 Hyperembedded demand and uneven innovation: female labour in a male-dominated service industry
超嵌入需求和不均衡创新
被认为适合提供服务的人。服务和服务提供者的融合意味着使用一种新的人来提供服务是一种真正的创新,这种创新可能会遇到阻力,因为它违反了对提供者应该是谁的根深蒂固的期望。一个重要的例子是女性提供曾经被男性垄断的服务。这是一项大规模的创新,涉及许多行业的许多人,是女性进入有偿就业的大规模运动的一部分,这是20世纪主要的劳动力趋势之一。在行业内部和行业之间,这种创新是非常不平衡的:有时男性仍然控制着某种服务,有时女性已经进入该行业,但被“重新隔离”到特定的工作中,或被重新定义为适合女性(Reskin和Roos, 1990),有时女性做的工作被定义为男性的工作。为了解释这种变化,我引用了一个行业,多伦多的私人保安行业,它有效地体现了总体趋势。保安工作曾经只由男性完成,现在仍然被广泛认为是主要由男性完成和适合男性的工作(例如Macan等人,1994),在多伦多仍然主要由男性完成(Erickson, 1996)。虽然男性总体上占主导地位,但女性的作用在不同的安全部门之间差别很大:女性有时缺席,有时在重新定义为适合女性的工作中,有时在非常明确地定义为男性工作的工作中。我将这种创新的可变性归因于嵌入创新的关系矩阵的复杂性。该矩阵包括几种关键角色:雇主、服务提供者、潜在雇员、客户以及代表客户进行服务工作的目标。在回顾关于工作中的性别隔离的研究时,Reskin(1993)呼吁对“所有劳动力市场参与者”进行研究,并指出研究通常只关注供给方(雇员和潜在雇员)或需求方(雇主),很少关注客户。这里报告的工作在考虑客户方面是新颖的,在增加目标的非常被忽视的作用,最重要的是在观察所有这些参与者之间的相互联系。超嵌入需求与不均衡创新:男性主导的服务业中的女性劳动力
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