{"title":"TP-ellipsis with a polarity particle in multiple-complementizer contexts in Spanish: on topical remnants and focal licensors","authors":"J. Villa-García","doi":"10.7557/1.5.2.3781","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"This paper investigates TP-ellipsis in Spanish in the context of multiple-complementizer clauses (i.e., … que XP que ellipsis licensor ellipsis site ). The paper argues for a standard ΣP-account of TP ellipsis, with the polarity/focal item (e.g., tambien/tampoco/si/no) crucially involved in the licensing of ellipsis. It is argued that the XP-que sequence is hosted in TopicP. The XP is a contrastive topic functioning as the remnant of TP-ellipsis and que is an instance of recomplementation que –a topic marker. The ellipsis licensor, for its part, sits in a CP-related projection that follows TopicP. Given the parallelism drawn here between the items that can partake in the licensing of TP-ellipsis and run-of-the-mill focused phrases, the paper puts forth the claim that ΣP and FocusP should be conflated. Similarly, I explore the relationship established between TopicP (the remnant) and ΣP/FocusP (the ellipsis licensor) in the process of TP ellipsis as well as offer an account of the inability of jussive/optative que to survive ellipsis, unlike recomplementation que.","PeriodicalId":230880,"journal":{"name":"Borealis: An International Journal of Hispanic Linguistics","volume":"33 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2016-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"14","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Borealis: An International Journal of Hispanic Linguistics","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.7557/1.5.2.3781","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"","JCRName":"","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 14
Abstract
This paper investigates TP-ellipsis in Spanish in the context of multiple-complementizer clauses (i.e., … que XP que ellipsis licensor ellipsis site ). The paper argues for a standard ΣP-account of TP ellipsis, with the polarity/focal item (e.g., tambien/tampoco/si/no) crucially involved in the licensing of ellipsis. It is argued that the XP-que sequence is hosted in TopicP. The XP is a contrastive topic functioning as the remnant of TP-ellipsis and que is an instance of recomplementation que –a topic marker. The ellipsis licensor, for its part, sits in a CP-related projection that follows TopicP. Given the parallelism drawn here between the items that can partake in the licensing of TP-ellipsis and run-of-the-mill focused phrases, the paper puts forth the claim that ΣP and FocusP should be conflated. Similarly, I explore the relationship established between TopicP (the remnant) and ΣP/FocusP (the ellipsis licensor) in the process of TP ellipsis as well as offer an account of the inability of jussive/optative que to survive ellipsis, unlike recomplementation que.
本文研究了西班牙语中多补语从句(即…que XP que ellipsis许可方ellipsis site)语境下的tp -省略。本文提出了TP省略的标准ΣP-account,其中极性/焦点项(例如,tambien/tampoco/si/no)在省略许可中至关重要。本文认为XP-que序列驻留在TopicP中。XP是作为tp省略的残余的对比主题,而que是作为主题标记的补语que的实例。对于省略号许可方而言,它位于TopicP之后的cp相关投影中。考虑到可以参与tp省略许可和普通重点短语之间的平行关系,本文提出ΣP和FocusP应该合并的主张。同样,我也探讨了在TP省略过程中,TopicP(残体)和ΣP/FocusP(省略许可方)之间建立的关系,并解释了与补语不同,jussive/ optionative que无法在省略中存活下来。