Wayne State University: Center for Latino/a and Latin American Studies, Interview with Jorge Luis Chinea
Lucía M. Suárez
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引用次数: 0
Abstract
© 2021 by the University of Texas Press Under the banners of Brown, Black, and Red Power, they pushed back against the historical oppression and exclusion to which the Anglodominated system had subjected them and demanded cultural inclusion, fair treatment, a rightful share to a quality education, wellpaying jobs, decent housing, and participation in our democratic institutions of government. They voiced their just claims through mass protests, marches, boycotts, walkouts, sitins, and other expressions of civil disobedience. The creation of LEM reflected the LASED and New Detroit activists’ commitment to making a better world for the disenfranchised masses who languished from the combined effect of poverty, dilapidated homes, subtractive educational curricula, and unresponsive political systems. The LEM agenda entailed preparing a pool of socially conscious leaders to return to their marginalized communities equipped with the educational tools, practical skills, and connections necessary to make a real difference in the lives of impoverished residents. The reinvigorating influence of the women’s movement of the 1960s and 1970s also energized the early efforts to challenge the status quo. The one iconic example that readily comes to mind, of course, is Dolores Huerta, of the United Farmworkers Union, whose prominent participation in organized labor contributed to the reevaluation of traditional gender roles within the Latino/a community. Eventually, the increasingly visible involvement of other Latinas in multiple public and private arenas fueled growing calls for replacing the divisive, oppressive machista paradigm with a genderinclusive approach. Members of El Movimiento, the Young Lords, and other sociopolitical movements of that era featured feminist critiques in their respective analyses of the reigning patriarchal social order. Despite the maleexclusive title of Latino En Marcha, two of its first coordinators, María TorresGuzmán and Isabel Salas, served as role models for countless young women who enrolled in the progressive educational experiment. Those who entered the program then or in the years to Wayne State University: Center for Latino/a and Latin American Studies, Interview with Jorge Luis Chinea
韦恩州立大学:拉丁裔和拉丁美洲研究中心,采访Jorge Luis Chinea
在“棕色、黑色和红色力量”的旗帜下,他们反对历史上英国人主导的制度对他们的压迫和排斥,要求文化包容、公平待遇、合理分享优质教育、高薪工作、体面住房和参与我们的民主政府机构。他们通过大规模抗议、游行、抵制、罢工、静坐和其他非暴力反抗的方式表达了自己的正义诉求。LEM的创立反映了LASED和新底特律活动家们致力于为被剥夺公民权的大众创造一个更美好的世界,这些人在贫困、破旧的房屋、减法教育课程和反应迟钝的政治制度的综合影响下苦苦挣扎。LEM议程要求培养一批具有社会意识的领导人,让他们带着教育工具、实用技能和必要的联系回到边缘化社区,为贫困居民的生活带来真正的改变。20世纪60年代和70年代妇女运动的复兴影响也激励了早期挑战现状的努力。当然,一个很容易想到的标志性例子是联合农场工人联盟的多洛雷斯·韦尔塔,她在有组织劳动中的突出参与有助于重新评估拉丁裔/黑人社区内的传统性别角色。最终,其他拉丁裔越来越明显地参与到多个公共和私人领域,促使越来越多的人呼吁用性别包容的方式取代分裂、压迫的大男子主义范式。“运动派”、“青年贵族”和那个时代的其他社会政治运动的成员,在各自对统治的父权社会秩序的分析中,都以女权主义批评为特色。尽管拉丁裔En Marcha的头衔是男性专属的,但它的两位首批协调员María TorresGuzmán和伊莎贝尔·萨拉斯(Isabel Salas)为无数参加这项进步教育实验的年轻女性提供了榜样。当年或后来进入韦恩州立大学的学生:拉丁裔和拉丁美洲研究中心,采访豪尔赫·路易斯·奇尼亚
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