长期视角下的治理议程:全球化、收入和国家分化

Mick Moore
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引用次数: 6

摘要

自苏联集团解体以来主导思想的治理与发展议程正在迅速失去可信度。它仍然与一系列不再享有全球领导地位的国家、思想和经验——“西方”——联系在一起。它没有有效地确定政府在促进经济增长方面的作用。而且它几乎没有考虑到各州变化的方式。金砖四国和其他新兴大国日益增长的影响力如今已得到广泛认可。本文探讨了20世纪末全球化给国家政治宪法带来的更微妙的变化,这些变化可能对我们的治理方式和减少不良治理发生率所需的行动产生相当大的影响。与普遍的预期相反,全球化并不一定会导致各国变得更像彼此,或者在“西方”的自由民主和市场资本主义模式下趋同。它还导致各州之间相互竞争。在某种程度上,他们通过寻找其他收入来源来竞争,这可能会导致他们在政治上出现分歧。政治收入的概念——政府和政治精英通过行使政治权力获得的收入——是分析的核心。20世纪末全球化的后果之一是,在一些国家,政治精英收集(非法)精英政治收入的机会大大增加。这有助于解释为什么脆弱国家已成为全球体系的正常特征。一个更广泛的后果是,除了“正常”的税收收入外,各州还享有一系列新的非税收入。这对政府对公民的责任具有重大影响。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
The Governance Agenda in Long Term Perspective: Globalisation, Revenues and the Differentiation of States

The governance-and-development agenda that has dominated thinking since the collapse of the Soviet Bloc is fast losing credibility. It continues to be associated with a set of countries, ideas and experiences – the ‘West’– that no longer enjoy global leadership. It has not usefully identified the role of governments in promoting economic growth. And it takes little account of the ways in which states are changing. The growing influence of the BRICs and other emerging powers is now widely appreciated. This paper explores the ways in which late twentieth century globalisation is bringing about more subtle changes in the political constitutions of states that may have considerable implications for the ways in which we are governed and the actions that may be needed to reduce the incidence of bad governance. Contrary to widespread expectations, globalisation does not necessarily lead states to become more like one another, or to converge around the ‘Western’ model of liberal democracy and market capitalism. It also leads states to compete with one another. To the extent that they compete by seeking alternative sources of revenue, this may lead them to diverge politically. The concept of political revenues– the incomes that governments and political elites obtain through the exercise of political power – is central to the analysis. One of the consequences of late twentieth century globalisation is that, in some countries, opportunities for political elites to gather (illicit) elite political revenues have expanded considerably. This helps explain why fragile states have become a normal feature of the global system. A more widespread consequence is that states enjoy a range of new non-tax revenues in addition to ‘normal’ tax revenues. This has significant implications for the accountability of governments to citizens.

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