分析秘鲁抗击营养不良的成功

Andrés Mejía Acosta
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引用次数: 32

摘要

全世界体重不足儿童的发生率从1990年的31%下降到2008年的26%(联合国儿童基金会,2009年)。然而,进展仍然缓慢且极不平衡。一半的国家在消除饥饿方面取得了进展,但28个国家的营养不良水平没有改善,24个国家的情况更糟。秘鲁的案例似乎是这一规则的一个令人鼓舞的例外。在国际援外合作组织和其他民间社会组织以及捐助界的支持下,秘鲁政府已经形成了克服障碍的政治势头,建立了国家协调结构和机制,增加了解决营养不良项目的公共(和私人)支出,并使社会项目与国家营养战略(称为CRECER)保持一致。这包括在有条件现金转移计划(JUNTOS)中增加对儿童进行定期生长监测的条件。国际援助体系也与CRECER保持一致。十年来,儿童慢性营养不良(发育迟缓)的比率几乎没有变化(1996年为25.8%,2005年为22.9%——农村地区的比率从40.4%上升到40.1%),这种战略上的变化已经开始产生效果:秘鲁国家统计局(INEI)的数据显示,2005年至2010年期间,营养不良率降至17.9%,下降主要发生在营养不良率最高的农村地区(从2005年的40.1%降至2010年的31.3%)。超过13万5岁以下的儿童现在没有患上慢性营养不良,如果发病率没有下降,他们就会患上慢性营养不良。事实上,有充分的理由表明,如果没有2006年初儿童营养倡议的成立,这些变化就不会发生。该倡议成功地使10位总统候选人签署了一项承诺,即在五年内将5岁以下儿童的慢性营养不良减少5%(“5 × 5 × 5”),随后向新政府提供支持,以实现这一承诺。本文记录并系统化了秘鲁最近在解决营养不良问题方面的经验。通过对定量和定性证据的深入审查,它认为秘鲁的成功不能用有利的社会经济变化来解释,并从三个方面探讨了成功的政治决定因素。横向上,它着眼于政府在不同政府和非政府机构代表之间形成政策联盟的努力;它着眼于国家、地区和市政府之间机构和项目的垂直整合,并分析了用于资助政府营养工作的政府资源的分配。最后,该文件确定了确保该倡议长期可持续性的一些突出挑战,并提出了政策建议和知识共享经验教训,这些建议和经验教训可能对南方国家政府、捐助机构和民间社会组织有用。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Analysing Success in the Fight against Malnutrition in Peru

The prevalence of underweight children worldwide fell from 31per cent in 1990 to 26 per cent in 2008 (UNICEF 2009). However, progress is still slow and very uneven. Half of the countries have made progress on hunger, but levels of malnutrition did not improve in 28 countries and got worse in 24. The case of Peru appears to be an encouraging exception to the rule. With the support of CARE and others organisations from civil society and the donor community, the Peruvian Government has generated the political momentum to overcome obstacles and create national coordination structures and mechanisms, increase public (and private) spending on programs to tackle malnutrition and align social programs with the national nutrition strategy (known as CRECER). This included adding conditionalities on taking children to regular growth monitoring in the Conditional Cash Transfer programme, JUNTOS. The international aid system has also aligned itself around CRECER. After ten years of almost no change in child chronic malnutrition (stunting) rates (25.8 per cent in 1996, and 22.9 per cent in 2005 – with rural rates moving from 40.4 per cent to 40.1 per cent), this change in strategy has started to lead to results: malnutrition rates fell to 17.9 per cent between 2005 and 2010, with reductions mainly occurring in rural areas where malnutrition rates are highest (from 40.1per cent in 2005 to 31.3 per cent in 2010) according to the Peruvian National Statistical Office (INEI). Over 130,000 children under five are now not chronically malnourished who would have been had rates not fallen. Indeed, there is a strong case to be made that these changes would not have occurred without the formation in early 2006 of the Child Nutrition Initiative, and its advocacy success in getting ten Presidential candidates to sign a commitment to reduce chronic malnutrition in children under five by 5 per cent in five years (‘5 by 5 by 5’), followed by the support provided subsequently to the new government to meet that commitment.

This paper documents and systematises Peru's recent experience in tackling malnutrition. Through an intensive review of quantitative and qualitative evidence, it argues that success is not explained by the presence of favourable socioeconomic changes in Peru, and it explores the political determinants of success in three dimensions. Horizontally, it looks at government efforts to form policy coalitions across representatives of different government and non-government agencies; it looks at the vertical integration of agencies and programmes between national, regional and municipal governments, and it analyses the allocation of government resources used to fund the government's nutrition effort.

In closing, the paper identifies some salient challenges to ensure long term sustainability of the initiative and draws policy recommendations and knowledge sharing lessons that could be of use for Southern Governments, donor agencies and civil society organisations.

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