革命与巫术:布基纳法索的民族学家

S. Belcher
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引用次数: 0

摘要

作为对他在征服路易·阿奇纳德统治下的西苏丹时所提供的军事和外交服务的回报,路易·阿奇纳德利用s建立了一个保护国。第三章展示了1891年至1895年间s耶对治理的挑战如何揭示了间接统治是一项代价高昂且充满暴力的事业。第四章是最关键的一章,在1895年到1899年之间,帝国的发展范围更广,共和主义对法兰西帝国的军事力量发起了攻击,这使得s耶转向了强制性的父权统治,伴随着越来越多的妇女、儿童和奴隶的随从。第五章考察了1898年和1899年的大危机,这场危机见证了殖民地军事统治的结束,以及关于这场闹剧的耸人听闻的指控的流传,这些指控值得一位剧作家的笔来写。第六章回到了对s耶涉嫌渎职的调查加深的时期,以及从未进行过的审判产生了本书核心的法律困境。一系列越来越小的调查和s耶盟友的官僚主义操作有效地保护了这位殖民国王,这可能是他最大的合作交易。在这里,看似传记的东西通过法律案例揭示了自己是一部典型的社会历史。殖民地官员收集的关于马登巴事件的详细证词显示,三山定数百名普通人的生活是如何被一个狡猾、甚至可能是虐待狂的官僚所掌握的权力彻底改变的。第七章讲述了马登巴的“救赎”,他小心翼翼地利用了棉花生产的前景。最后,第8章通过公共关系活动和经济发展的话语追溯了s耶成功的品牌重塑。源库广泛且有效地编组。罗伯茨从马里、塞内加尔和法国的档案中收集了大量的官方和个人信件以及口述历史。他不回避消息来源之间的争吵。相反,他找到了每一个机会来强调报告之间的差异如何提供更多的历史见解。对于这段特殊的过去,他也谦虚地注意到他确定的和不知道的之间的差距。回到这个悖论,即一个不断变化的殖民主义的故事可以通过一个人来讲述——实际上,一个案例——值得注意的是,罗伯茨自己不愿意通过传记的框架来写作。他不想写英雄创造的历史,因为他认为历史是由争取正义和公平的普通人创造的(309)。更棒的是,s躲开了一个偏执的恶棍,与唐纳德·特朗普(Donald Trump)进行了不太含蓄的比较。但罗伯茨还是写了一本传记。本评论家想知道,在最近非洲史学的背景下,这是否意味着一个明确的转向传记,如果是这样,这对这个领域意味着什么。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Révolution et sorcellerie: une ethnologue au Burkina Faso
of Sansanding in return for his military and diplomatic services rendered in the conquest of the Western Sudan under Louis Archinard, who used Sèye to implement a protectorate. Chapter 3 shows how Sèye’s challenges of governance between 1891 and 1895 revealed indirect rule to be a costly and violent enterprise. Chapter 4 is a pivotal one in which broader imperial developments between 1895 and 1899, which saw a republican attack on military power in the French empire, conditioned Sèye’s turn toward a coercive patriarchal domination indexed by a growing entourage of women, children and slaves. Chapter 5 examines the broad crisis in 1898 and 1899 that saw the end of military rule in the colony as well as the circulation of lurid allegations about the faama worthy of the pen of a playwright. Chapter 6 returns to the period during which the investigation into Sèye’s alleged malfeasance deepens and the trial that never was produces the legal quandary at the heart of the book. A series of increasingly smaller investigations and bureaucratic maneuverings of Sèye’s allies effectively shield the colonial king in what was perhaps his biggest bargain of collaboration. Here, what had appeared to be a biography reveals itself to be a paradigmatic social history through legal cases. The meticulously detailed depositions on the Mademba affair collected by colonial officials show how the lives of hundreds of ordinary people in Sansanding were utterly transformed by the power wielded by a cunning, and perhaps sadistic, bureaucrat. Chapter 7 covers Mademba’s “redemption” through his careful exploitation of the promise of cotton production. Finally, Chapter 8 traces Sèye’s successful re-branding through a public relations campaign and the discourse of economic development. The source base is broad and effectively marshalled. Roberts deploys a diversity of official and personal correspondence from archives in Mali, Senegal and France as well as oral histories. He does not shy away from quarrels among the sources. Instead, he finds every opportunity to highlight how the differences among the reports offer more historical insight. He also modestly minds the gap between what he is certain about and what cannot be known about this particular past. To return to the paradox that the story of a changing colonialism might be told through a single person – indeed, a single case – it is worth noting Roberts’ own reluctance to write through a biographical frame. He did not want to write a history made by a hero, as he believes that history is made by ordinary people who struggle for justice and equity (309). All the better, as Sèye comes off as a paranoid villain with not-too-implicit comparisons to Donald Trump (xi). But Roberts writes a biography all the same. This reviewer wonders whether, in the context of recent African historiography, this might suggest a definitive turn toward the biographical, and if so, what that might mean for the field.
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